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the genius of barbarism that urged the confessedly from partial premises, since American colonists to win their indepen- we have up to this point regarded only dence with the sword, nor can that well one of the many sides which the modern be called an uncivilized impulse which has world presents to the eye of the statesflushed so high the encroaching pride of man and political philosopher, and espethe United States at the present hour. cially omitted one of the most con
We are thus driven to admit that we spicuous and important phases of Eurocannot with truth assert that a diminu- pean civilization. Industry and commerce tion of war is a characteristic of our have revolutionised occidental society, epoch ; nor that, if some ancient causes and established an economical alliance, of quarrel have disappeared before the as it were, between its members.
One progress of civilization, it has imported of the firmest bases of the feeling of no new germs of discord into the bosom nationality or fellow-citizenship may be of nations. Our survey of the past is traced at bottom, says eminent far from warranting the prediction that traveller, to the “need and aid of each all the ends which are for the ultimate other in their daily life,' 1" felt by inhabenefit of mankind will be henceforward bitants of the same country. Each disaccomplished without bloodshed. Nor
trict, each house, each man has a demand does it seem to entitle the warmest for what another district, house, or man advocate of peace to stigmatize a martial supplies; people are in habitual interspirit as barbarous in every form, and course or contact of an amicable, or at for whatever purpose it is animated. least pacific character, and reciprocal On the other hand, we may glean some obligations and conveniences make up reason for the general reflection, that it the sum and business of existence. But is often by war itself that future wars this mutual interdependence now exists, are made impossible or improbable, as it is urged, between nation and nation, while peace is not unfrequently but the and all Christendom feels itself to be gathering time for hostile elements.1 literally one
commonwealth. And, And the particular observation in refer- besides the powerful interests altogether ence to our own island lies upon the opposed to war, which have arisen in surface, that, since it has been by the im- every state, men's minds are habitually provements of civilization brought into swayed by commonplace and unromantic closer contact with the Continent, the ideas; and the presiding idea of modern chances of collision with Continental communities, we are told, is the altoStates are multiplied, and military insti- gether unwarlike one of the acquisition tutions and ideas seem to have arisen of wealth. among us pari passu with increased Even France is said to afford a conproximity to our military neighbours.
spicuous example of this; and there Again, the extension of our empire far are several reasons why that country beyond the confines of Europe, has given may, with particular propriety, be reus enemies and wars in lands of which ferred to in connexion with our present our mediæval ancestors never heard, and topic of inquiry. At this moment the which uncivilized men would have never peace of Europe depends mainly upon reached.
French policy. France, moreover, boasts, These inferences are, however, drawn and with reason, of being, as regards the 1 "Ah, we are far from Waterloo ! We are continent of Europe, a representative not now exhausted and ruined by twenty and missionary country in institutions years of heroic war. We have taken advan
and ideas. What is of importance here, tage of the twenty years of peace which Providence has given us, to recruit our forces, and
moreover-in France and over most of stimulate our patriotism. We have an army
the Continent there are wanting some of 600,000 men; we can also fight at sea. We peculiar physical and historical conhave built gigantic ships, cased with iron; we
ditions which contribute to make pacific have ginboats ; in short, we have a powerful navy, which formerly we had not.”—“La i Notes on the Social and Political State of Coalition."— Paris, April 16, 1860.
Denmark, by Mr. S. Laing.
interests and sentiments unquestionably
« In the article of iron
we have predominant in Great Britain, the ab- " another illustration to the same effect. sence of which peculiarities would render “ In 1792 pig iron does not figure in any estimate of the prospects of Europe, 6 the French tariff. In 1851 the imthat might be founded upon a mere portation of pig iron amounted to extension of the elements of our own “ 33,700 tons. The point to which I social condition, altogether fallacious. “ wish to draw attention is that so On the other hand there are facts, which large a quantity of this prime neceshave grown up with the present gene- sary of life of every industry is imration, “ depriving former times of ported from abroad ; and in proporanalogy with our own,” and obliging “ tion as the quantity for which she is us to dispute the logic which infers the “ thus dependent upon foreigners has character of future international relations “ increased since 1792, in the same from their past type.
“ ratio has France given a security to Eight years before his arguments were keep the peace. sanctioned by a Treaty of Commerce,
" Whilst governments are preparing Mr. Cobden drew public attention to “ for war, all the tendencies of the age new features of the industrial economy are in the opposite direction ; but of the world, surely calculated, in his “ that which most loudly and opinion, to render a military policy un. stantly thunders in the ears of emcongenial to the great mass of the perors, kings, and parliaments, the French people, and a rupture with “ stern command, “You shall not break Great Britain particularly improbable. “ the peace,' is the multitude which in Those arguments are of course now every country subsists upon the produce entitled to additional weight, but they “ of labour applied to materials brought could hardly be more forcibly expressed “ from abroad. It is the gigantic growth by Mr. Cobden himself at the present “ which this manufacturing system has moment than they were in a remark- “ attained that deprives former times able pamphlet which he published the “ of any analogy with our own, and is Fear before the Russian War, from which “ fast depriving of all reality those we reproduce the following passage pedantic displays of diplomacy, and
I come to the really solid guarantee “ those traditional demonstrations of which France has given for a desire to “ armed force, upon which peace or war * preserve peace with England. As a ' formerly depended. manufacturing country France stands We have quoted Mr. Cobden's prinsecond only to England in the amount cipal argument, that a war with a state of her productions and the value of possessing, as Great Britain does, a " her exports ; but the most important superior navy, would ruin the staple “ fact in its bearings on the question manufactures of France ; but he has " before us is that she is more dependent also contended that a great military " than England upon the importation of expenditure would entail burdens in“the raw materials of her industry ; tolerable to the French people. If it " and it is obvious how much this must be replied to this latter argument that "pluce her at the mercy of a Power Government loans produce no immehaving the command over her at sea. diate or sensible pressure, and are rather " This dependence upon foreigners ex- popular measures, good authority is not " tends even to those right arms of peace, wanting for the rejoinder that this
as well as of war, .coal and State mine has been so freely worked "The coal imported into France in by French financiers that it must be “1792, the year before the war, amounted pretty nearly exhausted—the public " to 80,000 tons only. In 1851, her debt of France having grown from importation of coal and coke reached £134,184,176, in 1818, to £301,662,148 " the prodigious quantity of 2,841,900 1 “ 1793 and 1853.” By Richard Cobden,
in 1858.2 To this it is added, that, for actual war, and that his popularity while the Government has become yearly appears to be now much greater than at more embarrassed, the nation has become his accession, in a large measure in conricher, more comfortable, and less ready sequence of the manner in which he has for military life and pay ; and that the employed the loans he has raised. We very investments which have been so have, indeed, only to recollect the amount largely made by all classes in the French of debt incurred by our own Governfunds have arrayed interests propor- ment in the last war with France, and tionately strong against any course of the opinion entertained by the highest public action calculated, to depreciate authorities of its overwhelming magnigreatly the value of their securities. tude when it was but a seventh of the In short, we are told that the French sum it afterwards reached, to see the Emperor is too poor, and that the French fallacy of prophecies of peace based people are too rich, for war.
upon the supposition of the impossiThese are considerations which deserve bility of a country in the condition of much attention ; but they are, it seems France plunging into a great contest, to us, insufficient to prove that France and emerging from it without ruin. has passed out of the military into the Moscow and Waterloo have een folindustrial stage of national development, lowed by Sebastopol and Solferino; and
; or that its economical condition is such of disasters befalling his country from a as to render war very distasteful to the foreign enemy the Frenchman is, we French nation, as a nation ; especially fear, inclined to repeat :as one which endures in time of peace,
“Merses profundo, pulchrior evenit: with the utmost cheerfulness, one of the “Luctere, multa proruet integrum heaviest inflictions of a great and pro- “Cum laude victorem, geretque tracted war. For if we reflect upon the “Prælia conjugibus loquenda." amount of wealth and industrial power withdrawn from production to sustain
Neither can we put unreserved confian army of 600,000 soldiers, besides an
dence in the pledges of peace afforded enormous ficet, we cannot but admit that
by the trade and manufactures of France, this wonderful people bears, not only
on the value of which the following with constancy, but with pride, one of figures throw a light which has probably the chief economical evils of hostilities
escaped Mr. Cobden's notice :on a gigantic scale, and that this con
EXPORTS FROM FRANCE. spicuous feature of French society suf- (Expressed in millions sterling and tenths.)
Mill. sterl. fices to characterise it as warlike and
11 2 wasteful, rather than as prudent and
7 3 pacific. The immense increase of the
5 0 national debt of France in the last
20 forty years, if it shows that the fund of
19 loanable capital has been largely trenched
10 on, shows also the facility with which
Russia this financial engine has been worked
46 other countries and places 12 5 hitherto ; while the admitted augmenta
IMPORTS INTO FRANCE. tion of the general wealth of the people (Expressed in millions sterling and tenths.)
Mill, steri. appears to contain an implicit answer to
5 3 any conjecture that their capacity to lend
7 7 has been nearly exhausted. Nor is it
5 3 immaterial to observe, that the debt of
Sardinia France has been contracted mainly for
2 3 military purposes, that it has been
17 considerably added to by the Emperor
46 other countries and places 13 5 Economist, November 26, 1859. ? Tooke's History of Prices, vi. pp. 7 and 13. | Tooke's History of Prices, vi. 652-3.
It will be seen from this table that
passage : “De même que nous déclathe French exports to England are larger "rons la Hollande puissance germanique, than to any other country, and the im- “ de même aussi n'hésitons-nous pas à ports from England second only to those “regarder la Belgique comme française. from America. When this state of facts “ Elle vit par nous, et sans la pusillaniis taken in connexion with the common “mité du dernier roi des Français, sentiments of the French towards the “ l'assimilation serait complète depuis English, on the one hand, and towards “1830.” Perhaps this allusion to the those nations, on the other, with which year 1830 may derive illustration from their trade is comparatively insignifi- the inspirations of a more celebrated cant-as, for example, the Russians, politician. Among the works of NapoSpaniards, and Italians—we are led to leon III. there is a fragment, entitled suspect some great fallacy in a theory“Peace or War,” which expresses a very which presumes that national friend- decided opinion upon the policy which ships and animosities, and international became the Sovereign of France in 1830, relations and differences, are adjusted and by implication upon the policy mainly by reference to a sliding scale of which becomes its Sovereign in 1860, or exports and imports; and we are warned “whenever moral force is in its favour." to seek for some other indications and It is in these terms :—“All upright guarantees of a lasting alliance.
“men, all firm and just minds agree, Again, we may observe, that the “ that after 1830 only two courses were European trade of France with Bel- “open to France,-a proud and lofty gium ranks next in importance to one,
the result of which might be war; that with England. Now, when it is or a humble one, but which would suggested that France depends upon “reward humility by granting to France importation for those prime necessaries “ all the advantages which peace engenof both war and peace, iron and coal, “ders and brings forth. Our opinion and that this fact, above all others, " has always been, that in spite of all its affords security against French aggres- “ dangers, a grand and bold policy was sion, the reminiscence can hardly fail to “ the only one which became excite some inauspicious recollections. “country: and in 1830, when moral Belgium is almost traversed from west “ force was in our favour, France might to east by beds of coal, from which, in “easily have regained the rank which is 1850, nearly six million tons were ex- “hers by right. tracted; and in the same year the It is not out of place, perhaps, to reBelgian mines yielded 472,883 tons of mark here that the hope of a meek and iron. Give Belgium then to France, or quiet, but remunerative, policy on the rather let France take Belgium, and she part of France---rather than one grand does not want English coal and iron in and bold but perilous—which Mr. Cobtime of war for her steam navy and den had some reason to form in 1853 ordnance. Is it towards commercial or from the nature and extent of the mari. warlike enterprise—towards the annex- time commerce of France, has since lost ation of the adjoining land of coal and its foundation by a change in the mariiron, or peace with all her neighbours, time laws of war brought about by that the mind of the French is likely Napoleon III. To have crippled by
. to be tempted by this consideration? hostilities with a superior naval power Which policy would best consort with the sale of manufactures to the value of some of their longest treasured aspira- 50,000,0001. and interrupted the imtions, and some of their latest anticipa- portation of more than 40,000,0001. tions? Last year a pamphlet, entitled worth of the materials of French in“L'Avenir de l'Europe," passed through dustry, might well have seemed a risk several editions in Paris. The future too prodigious even for a sovereign with sketched for his country by the writer magnificent ideas to encounter. But, may be conjectured from the following not to speak of the efforts made by that
No. 7.-VOL. II.
Sovereign to place France without a the blindness of both nations to the superior on the seas—there is, since the advantages of trade, but because men Russian War and the Treaty of Paris, are sometimes disposed to exchange nothing which France imports from blows rather than benefits, and because foreign shores which she could not con- they have passions, affections, and aspitinue to receive during a war with Eng- rations both higher and lower than land in neutral vessels. Even a blockade the love of gold or goods. Still, in of the whole French coast would only 1860, the fiery element of war burns send the cargoes round by the Scheldt ardently in France, because the desire and the Gulf of Genoa ; and to whatever of wealth is not the one ruling thought extent it were really successful in ob- which moulds the currents of the nastructing neutral trade, it would tend, tional will. There, at least, the econoon peace principles themselves, to make mical impulse is not paramount over America, Sardinia, Spain, R:issia, and every other, and the social world does Turkey. the enemies of the blockading not take all its laws from the industrial ; power, in the ratio of the intercept of of which in politics we find an example imports.
in the insignificance of the bourgeoisie, It is by no means intended by these and, in common life, in the preference observations to attenuate the truism that of the public taste for the ornamental the material interests of France would rather than the useful. counsel a pacific policy on the part of There are thinkers who not only its Government, but only to show that speculate upon the future of our own they do not present an insuperable country from a purely English point of obstacle to a warlike one, even against view, and take into account in their ourselves, and therefore do not relieve predictions of its destinies no forces us of the barbarous onus of defensive save those visibly in action in ordinary preparations, or afford us much security times inside our island shores, but who that no temptation to achieve distinction measure the prospects of the whole huby the sword could be strong enough to man race according to principles which divert our powerful neighbours from the would be valid only if every people had loom and the spade.
an English history, climate, geographical In truth, it is no original discovery of position, and physical and moral constiour era that the commercial demands of tution. Yet, in fact, some of the proxiFrance and England make them natural mate dangers of war arise from the fact allies. It was seen with perfect clear- that England is the active centre of ness by that statesman who led them principles which, were all other countries into, a conflict during which, on each similarly conditioned, would indeed be side of the Channel, infants grew to favourable to the maintenance of intermanhood, seldom hearing of an overture national amity, but which, being domifor peace, and personally unacquainted nant in Britain almost alone, come with any
human world but one of per- sometimes into violent collision with petual war.
the elements of national life that are When laying before Parliament the combined elsewhere. Treaty of Commerce of 1786, Mr. Pitt The mechanical and commercial conexpressed a confident hope that the ditions common to the modern civiliz:d time was now
come wlien those two world have, in many respects, operated countries which had hitherto acted as if but little below the surface to modify intended for the destruction of each diversities created by nature and descent, other would “justify the order of the and betrayed even in the ordinary round “ universe, and show that they were of life. The likeness between the Anglo“ better calculated for friendly inter- Saxon and the Gaul of the nineteenth course and mutual benevolence.” century lies on the outside ; but in sym
That generous confidence was so soon pathies and ideas, in heart and soul, in and signally frustrated, not because of the inner moral life, they differ funda