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chosen by the people, yet it is said that the control of the President is predominant, the military force being at his disposal. He does not appear, however, to abuse his authority; and it is evident that a continuance of the system of education, and of the republican form of government, will, at no distant period, place the power in reality in the hands of the people and their representatives. Until knowledge be generally diffused, the chief influence and authority must necessarily be exercised by a few enterprising and extraordinary characters, who have outstripped the mass in the race of improvement.

The great body of men, in all countries, are hired labourers, who subsist on their wages, and the quantity of the means of subsistence given them for their services, is perhaps the best criterion which can be obtained of the degree of happiness they enjoy, or of positive oppression they suffer. Trying the conditions of the Haytians by this test, it would appear decidedly better than that of the people of any Enropean nation, and the citizens of the United States would be able to boast of no striking preeminence. The wages of labourers in the Haytian seaports is one dollar per day; and the price of provisions, on the average, is nearly the same as in our own ports. The wants of the people in clothing, shelter, and furniture, are far less than those of the inhabitants of our zone; so that on the whole, the means of comfortable subsistence are probably as abundantly possessed by the labouring Haytians as by the labourers of any other country on earth. This abundance is a positive proof of the mildness of the government; a proof that it does not grind the people to dust by the taxing and monopolizing hand of oppression.

So much propriety of style, profundity of thought, and correctness of sentiment, have been exhibited in the official documents, and in the public journals of Hayti, that many people in this country have supposed that they must have been the work of foreigners, and not of the persons who profess the authorship; for they could not believe that native coloured Haytians had attained that intellectual perfection which these documents would indicate. In answer to doubts of this kind, expressed by the Editor of the National Gazette of this city (Philadelphia), the editor of a most respectable newspaper in Boston states, that a gentleman of that place, who has resided for some time in Hayti, and whose statements are entitled to implicit confidence, declares that, from his own knowledge, it is an unquestionable fact, that the publications alluded to are really the work of those to whom the authorship is attributed.

A number of citizens of Boston have of late taken a strong interest in Haytian affairs, and have written zealously in favour of a recognition, by the United States, of Haytian independence. One of these, who had given a very favourable picture of the condition, institutions, and prospects of the island, in answer to some insinuations of selfish motives, avers, that he has no personal interest in the sub

ject; that he is influenced solely by considerations of reasonableness and equity, and of the general interests of the United States.

It is gratifying to find that the progress of the Haytians is such as every day diminishes the number of their contemners and enemies, and adds to the number of those who are convinced of the moral and intellectual capabilities of the Blacks.

Hayti is a country of deep interest to the philosopher and statesman, and especially to the friends of African rights. It is to be hoped that it may continue a land which may be fitly looked to as an example for refuting prejudices against the Blacks, and as a suitable place of refuge for those coloured persons who may be unwill. ing to endure the degradation they are doomed to suffer in other countries.

The late union of the whole island under one government is calculated to allay the apprehensions of internal commotion which arose from the possession of a part of the country by the Spaniards, and to cause it to be considered as a more suitable place of emigration than formerly. The policy of the government towards emigrants is liberal; and some time since it went so far as to pay the passagemoney of all who would come from Europe or America to settle; but finding, that, under this provision, worthless characters were introduced, it discontinued the practice."

After contemplating a people in the general, observing their government, and viewing the results of their institutions, it is natural that we should desire to see them individually, as it were, in order to become more familiarly acquainted with them. The following sketch may be deemed interesting in this point of view.

The dress of the lower orders in Hayti is plain, but neat and clean. The men wear a short blue jacket of woollen cloth, with waistcoat and trowsers of white chintz. The women's dress consists of a cotton chemise and petticoat, with a handkerchief tied in the form of a turban round the head.

ness.

The country people, who frequent the markets in the towns, have a healthy cleanly appearance. They are all, to the very lowest, clothed, and their general aspect indicates content and happiThe Haytian females have the usual failing (as some term it) of being fond of dress; and most of their gains they lavish upon this branch of extravagance. The young women are frequently agreeable and even handsome in person. Those of a subordinate rank, we are informed, unfortunately are not very scrupulous in forming illicit connections. Public opinion has not yet so stigmatized this breach of the social duties as to detach them from a practice uncondemned in the days of their ancestors.

In a recent Jamaica paper we recollect to have seen the sketch of a Haytian's dress and appearance :-The dress as above describ

ed; the hair brushed upwards to the top of the head; moustaches; earrings; a straw hat placed lightly on the side of the head; an erect gait, with an air of conscious independence. These traits compose a portrait of a Haytian beau, drawn by the pen of a bitter enemy.

We naturally cast an eye toward France, after contemplating the internal state of this most prosperous and interesting state. The strongest wish undoubtedly prevails there to obtain some footing in it, by means of which an ascendant may afterwards be acquired, and the old colonial dominion restored. The whole resources of Napoleon's genius having failed in the time when the power of the country was unbroken, and its reputation at the height, not even the most abject flatterer of the legitimate monarchs can gravely pretend to indulge in a hope of forcibly retaking possession. Intrigue has been tried, therefore, where violence was sure to fail; and a long negotiation, some say, for the last ten years, has been going on, with the view, on the part of Hayti, of securing its independence by a formal recognition, and with the design, on the part of France, of regaining something like a footing there, though it were at first but in name. An ample indemnity was asked, amounting to about four millions Sterling; and even this was in a train for adjustment. But at last came out the real wish of the affectionate Bourbons, containing, as it were in a postscript, like other amorous documents, the main object of the negotiation. It was so painful to quit the endearing connexion, so delightful to retain even some little pleasing memorial of former intimacy,-that if it were but the name of the thing, the Haytians were entreated to grant this favour, and to allow France the title of Lordship paramount or Suzeraineté, the separate and independent existence of the Island being allowed and even guaranteed. Upon this the intercourse broke off; and a lesson was taught the craft of the wily Frank, which he will probably remember during all the Negro treaties he may have to negotiate. We cannot more fitly close this imperfect sketch, than with the memorable Proclamation of the President to the Commandants, upon the rupture of the treaty.

JEAN PIERRE BOYER, President of Hayti, to the Commandants of

Arrondissement.

The Envoys whom, in consequence of an appeal which had been made to me, I had despatched to France to treat respecting the recognition of the independence of Hayti, have returned hither. Their mission did not produce the result which we had a right to expect; because the French government, incredible as it may seem, still pre

tends to the chimerical right of suzeraineté over this country. This pretension, which it appeared to have renounced, is for ever inadmissible; it is a new proof, as I have already proclaimed, how much our true security consists in our immovable resolution, and how well founded were our mistrust and the measures which I have taken.

'Under these circumstances, you ought more than ever to recollect the arrangements of my Proclamation of the 6th of January last, and the particular instructions which followed it. Actively urge forward all the necessary works, the putting of the arms, artillery, and ammunition, in condition for service, &c. Nothing should be neglected. Call out the workmen of the corps; and even, in case of necessity, the privates, for the prompt completion of the carriages for cannon, which may be still unfinished. Take care, in short, in case of invasion by the enemy, not to be behind-hand in any point. Think incessantly of your duties, of your responsibility, and act accordingly.

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The national honour demands (and you should also keep this object in view), that tranquillity and safety should be insured to those foreigners who are in our country, under the sanction of the public faith and of the constitution. Protect them as well as their property, so that they may be in perfect security. A moment's reflection must make us feel what infamy would be cast upon the nation if (no matter under what circumstances) we acted differently. War to death with the implacable enemies who may plant a sacrilegious foot upon our territory! but let us not pollute our cause by any disgraceful action.

6 In sending deputies to regulate the formalities of the recognition of 'our independence, I yielded to the invitation given to me by the agents of the government of the King of France. It was right that I should take this step in order to deprive malevolence of every pretence for charging me with obstinacy: it was right that I should do so to satisfy my conscience, and finally to settle the opinion of the nation upon this important point. I think I have in this respect fulfilled my duty; but, at least, I have the satisfaction of being able to declare that I have not been deceived.

The Republic is free; it is for ever independent, since we are determined to bury ourselves under its ruins rather than submit to the foreigner. Nevertheless the enemies of Hayti still reckon on the chimera of a division amongst us. What error, and at the same time what duplicity! Let us be eternally united, and faithful in the discharge of our duties; and, with the aid of the All-Powerful, we shall be for ever invincible.

'BOYER.'

ART. XII. Practical Observations upon the Education of the People: Addressed to the Working Classes, and their Employers. By H. BROUGHAM, Esq., M. P., F. R. S. pp. 33. London, 1825.

12mo.

WE E cannot make an article of this;-Both because a considerable, though not the most valuable part of it, appeared in our own pages last October-and because we have no longer time or space to deal with it as its infinite importance would require. We cannot allow this Number to go forth, however, without doing what in us lies to second the purely philanthropic views of its distinguished author, by most earnestly recommending it, both for perusal and for circulation, to all who have at any time seen reason to pay attention to our suggestions or opinions.

Since the time when the Scriptures were first printed and circulated in the common tongue, there has been no such benefit conferred on the great body of the people, as seems now to be held out to them in the institutions which it is the business of this little work to recommend and explain:Nor can any thing be more admirable than the affectionate earnestness, the luminous simplicity, and the patient practical wisdom with which the views of the author are expounded and enforced. Of the many titles to distinction that meet in the person of Mr Brougham, there is none we should so much envy as that which rests on his services in the cause of Education. The good he has done there is the most unquestioned and extensive-and the honours he has gained the least alloyed with faction, the least troubled even by eager contention or dispute;-while the efforts he has lately made in behalf of the Mechanics' Institutions, appear to us the most important and meritorious of all. In his memorable exposure of the abuses of public charities, he was animated, in part, by a spirit of just indignation, and the delight of triumphing over the indolent and corrupt opposition by which he was met, in many formidable quarters. Here he had no other excitement than that of general philanthropy, and that high-minded anticipation of the love and gratitude of posterity, by which patriots are supported when they silently confer lasting blessings on their countrymen, without rousing their passions or making any demand for their applause. We will not, however, be tempted to say more, even on such a topic-and shall only beg leave, as a specimen of the tone and style of the work we have mentioned, to annex the few concluding sentences.

I rejoice to think that it is not necessary to close these obser

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