whole federal constitution! Is it not ten thousand times less probable, that such transactions will happen, than it is, that we shall be exposed to innumerable calamities, by rejecting the plan proposed, or even by delaying to accept it?

LET us consider our affairs in another light. Our difference of government, participation in commerce, improvement in policy, and magnitude of power, can be no favourite objects of attention to the monarchies and sovereignties of Europe. Our loss will be their gain—our fall, their rise—our shame, their triumph. Divided, they may distract, dictate, and destroy. United, their efforts will be waves dashing themselves into foam against a rock. May our national character be an animated moderation, that seeks only its own, and will not be satisfied with less.

To his beloved fellow-citizens of United America, the writer dedicates this imperfect testimony of his affection, with fervent prayers, for a perpetuity of freedom, virtue, piety, and felicity, to them and their posterity.

FABIUS.

THE

LETTERS

O F

FABIU S:

CONTAINING

REMARKS ON THE PRESENT SITUATION

O F

PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

LETTER I.

To make a few observations on the present situation of public affairs, appears to me to be my duty. Under that impression to forbear, would be criminal.

SOME of my countrymen want no information that I can give them. To these, it would be presumption to offer it. Others perhaps have less favourable opportunities of obtaining information than I have had. To these I address what I have now to say.

NEITHER time, nor my infirmities will permit me to be attentive to style, arrangement, or the labour of consulting former publications. I write from my heart and from recollection.

HAVING nothing to hope, wish, or fear, but as a commoner of these states, to which I am bound by birth, the tenderest pledges, friendships, and fellow-citizenship, I may be mistaken: but, I can never mean to deceive. My best interests of every kind are ranged against the attempt. All that can be dear to man, is wrapped up for me, in the general welfare.

I KNOW, and I respect the formidable host I shall provoke. My motives fortify me. I will provoke, because I esteem them.

AFTER our revolution, two dangers presented themselves to view internal discord, and the jealousy of foreign powers respecting the form of our government, especially if it should be remarkkably prosperous, which, no doubt, would be our desire and aim,

ANY person acquainted with our transactions, in' the two wars about the middle of this century, might easily judge what was to be expected from internal discord.

OUR first federal constitution partook largely of the dissociating ingredients, that were too redundant among us. It was pregnant with disorders.

. IN 1787, the most immediate evils of it, were in an extraordinary manner removed.

IN 1788, the new constitution commenced its operations, and held its course with an attendant assemblage of great benefits.

In the next year, surprising political movements began in France, apparently auspicious to the cause of liberty and the interests of mankind.

In the following years, the atmosphere was obscured by dark clouds. The neighbouring powers, with some remote, entered into a confederacy against France. There, all the passions of the soul were roused.— Perils from without, perils from within, distracted the understanding, and convulsed humanity-the selfish, the audacious, and the unfeeling, seized the disastrous opportunity, and by plausible pretensions to patriotism, clutched the public opinion, and with it the public force.

THE nation had a choice of difficulties.One was, to embroil and weaken themselves, by con