viction I believe, he is as just, benevolent, and amiable a prince, as heaven ever granted in its mercy to bless a people. I venerate his virtues beyond all expression. But his attention to our particular circumstances being impossible, we must receive our fate from ministers; and from them, I do not like to receive it.

We are not the subjects of ministers; and therefore it is not to be wondered at, if they do not feel that tenderness for us, that a good prince will always feel for his people. Men are not born ministers. Their ambition raises them to authority; and when possessed of it, one established principle with them seems to be, "never to deviate from a "precedent of power."

DID we not find in the late war, tho' we exerted ourselves in the most active manner in the defence of his majesty's dominions, and in promoting the service of the crown, every point in which the proprietors thought fit to make any opposition, decided against us? Have we not also found, since the last disturbance of the public peace by our savage enemies, the conduct of the late governor highly ap plauded by the ministry, for his adherence to those very stipulations now insisted on; and ourselves subjected to the bitterest reproaches, only for attempting to avoid burthens, that were thought ex

tremely grievous. Other instances of the like kind I pass over, to avoid a tedious recapitulation.

SINCE then, the gale of ministerial favour has in all seasons blown propitious to proprietary interests, why do we now fondly flatter ourselves, that it will suddenly shift its quarter? Why should we with an amazing credulity, now fly for protection to those men, trust every thing to their mercy, and ask the most distinguishing favours from their kindness, from whom we complained a few months ago, that we could not obtain the most reasonable requests? Surely, sir, we must acknowledge one of these two things; either, that our complaint was then unjust; or, that our confidence is now unwarranted. For my part, I look for a rigid perseverance in forWith a new government, I expect new disputes. The experience of the royal colonies convinces me, that the immediate government of the crown, is not a security for that tranquility and happiness we promise ourselves from a change.. It is needless for me to remind the house, of all the frequent and violent controversies that have. happened between the king's governors in several provinces, and their assemblies. At this time, if I am rightly informed, Virginia is struggling against an instruction, that will be attended, as that colony apprehends, with the most destructive consequences, if carried into execution.

mer measures.

INDEED, sir, it seems vain to expect, where the spirit of liberty is maintained among a people, that public contests should not also be maintained. Those who govern, and those who are governed, seldom think they can gain too much on one another. Power is like the ocean; not easily admitting limits to be fixed in it. It must be in motion. Storms indeed are not desirable; but a long dead calm is not to be looked for; perhaps, not to be wished for. Let not us then, in expectation of smooth seas, and an undisturbed course, too rashly venture our little vessel that hath safely sailed round our own well known shores, upon the midst of the untryed deep, without being first fully convinced, that her make is strong enough to bear the weather she may meet with, and that she is well provided for so long and so dangerous a voyage.

No man, sir, amongst us hath denied, or will deny, that this province must stake on the event of the present attempt, liberties that ought to be immortal- -Liberties! founded on the acknowledged rights of human nature; and restrained in our mother-country, only by an unavoidable necessity of adhering in some measure, to long established customs.

Thus hath been formed between

old errors and hasty innovations, an entangled chain, that our ancestors either had not moderation or leisure enough to untwist.

I WILL now briefly enumerate, as well as I can recollect, the particular privileges of Pennsylvania.

In the first place, we here enjoy that best and greatest of all rights, a perfect religious freedom.

POSTS of honour and profit are unfettered with oaths or tests; and therefore are open to men, whose abilities, strict regard to their conscientious persuasion, and unblemished characters qualify them to discharge their duties with credit to themselves, and advantage to their country,

THE same wisdom of our laws, has guarded against the absurdity of granting greater credit even to villains, if they will swear, than to men of virtue, who from religious motives cannot. Therefore those who are conscientiously scrupulous of taking an oath, are admitted as witnesses in criminal cases. Our legislation suffers no checks, from a council instituted,* in fancied imitation of the house of lords. By the right of sitting on our own adjournments, we are secure of meeting, when the public good requires it: and of not being dismist, when private passions demand it. At the same time, the strict discharge of the trust committed to us, is inforced by the short duration of our power, which must be renewed by our constituents every year.

Appointed by the crown.

NOR are the people stript of all authority, in the execution of laws. They enjoy the satisfaction of having some share, by the appointment of provincial commissioners, in laying out the money which they raise; and of being in this manner assured, that it is applied to the purposes, for which it was granted. They also elect sheriffs and coroners; officers of so much consequence, in every determination that affects honour, liberty, life or property.

LET any impartial person reflect, how contradictory some of these privileges are to the principles of the English constitution, and how directly opposite others of them are to the settled prerogatives of the crown; and then consider, what probability we have of retaining them on a requested change: that is of continuing in fact a proprietary government, though we humbly pray the king to change this government into royal. Not unaptly, in my opinion, the connection between the proprietary family, and this province, may be regarded as a marriage. Our privileges may be called the fruits of that marriage. The domestic peace of this family, it is true, has not been unvexed with quarrels, and complaints: but the pledges of their affection ought always to be esteemed; and whenever the parents on an imprudent request shall be divorced, much I fear, that their issue will be declared illegitimate.--This I am well persuaded