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may censure and controul us. ties demand our attention. fare of Pennsylvania depending on our decisions, let us endeavour so 'to act, that we may enjoy our own approbation, in the cool and undisturbed hours of reflection; that we may deserve the approbation of the impartial world; and of posterity, who are so much interested in the present debate.

No man, Sir, can be more clearly convinced than I am, of the inconveniencies arising from a strict adherence to proprietary instructions. We are prevented from demonstrating our loyalty to our excellent Sovereign, and our affection to our distrest fellow subjects, unless we will indulge the Proprietors, with a distinct and partial mode of taxation, by which they will save perhaps four or five-hundred pounds a year, that ought to go in ease of our constituents.

THIS is granted on all sides to be unequal; and has therefore excited the resentment of this house. Let us resent- -but let our resentment bear proportion to the provocation received; and not produce, or even expose us to the peril of producing, effects more fatal than the injury of which we complain. If the change of government now meditated, can take place, with all our privileges preserved; let it instantly take place: but if they must be con

sumed in the blaze of royal authority, we shall pay too great a price for our approach to the throne; too great a price for obtaining (if we should obtain) the addition of four or five-hundred pounds to the proprietary tax; or indeed for any emolument likely to follow from the change.

I HOPE, I am not mistaken when I believe, that every member in this house feels the same reverence that I do, for these inestimable rights. When I consider the spirit of liberty that breathes in them, and the flourishing state to which this province hath risen in a few years under them, I am extremely desirous, that they should be transmitted to future ages; and I cannot suppress my solicitude, while steps are taking, that tend to bring them all into danger. Being assured, that this house will always think an attempt to change this government too hazardous, unless these privileges can be perfectly secured, I shall beg leave to mention the reasons by which I have been convinced, that such an attempt ought not now to be made.

Ir seems to me, Sir, that a people who intend an innovation of their government, ought to choose the most proper time, and the most proper method for accomplishing their purposes; and ought seriously to weigh all the probable and possible consequences of such a measure.

THERE are certain periods in public affairs, when designs may be executed much more easily and advantageously, than at any other. It hath been by a strict attention to every interesting circumstance; a careful cultivation of every fortunate occurrence; and patiently waiting till they have ripened into a favourable conjuncture, that so many great actions have been performed in the political world.

Ir was through a rash neglect of this prudence, and too much eagerness to gain his point, that the Duke of Monmouth destroyed his own enterprize, and brought himself dishonourably to the block, tho' every thing then verged towards a revolution. The prince of Orange with a wise delay pursued the same views, and gloriously mounted a throne.

Ir was through a like neglect of this prudence, that the commons of Denmark, smarting under the tyranny of their nobility, in a fit of revengeful fury, suddenly surrendered their liberties to their king; and ever since with unavailing grief and useless execrations, have detested the mad moment, that slipt upon them the shackles of slavery, which no struggles can shake off. With more deliberation, the Dutch erected a stadholdership, that hath been of signal service to their state.

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THAT excellent historian and statesman Tacitus, whose political reflections are so justly and universally admired, makes an observation in his third annal, that seems to confirm these remarks. Haying mentioned a worthy man of great abilities, whose ambitious ardour hurried him into ruin, he uses these words, quod multos etiam bonos pessum dedit, qui spretis quæ tarda cum securitate, præmatura vel cum exitio properant.' "Which misfortune hath happened to many good men, who despising those things which they might slowly and safely attain, seize them too hastily, and with fatal speed rush upon their own destruction."

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IF then, Sir, the best intentions may be disappointed by too rapid a prosecution of them, many reasons induce me to think, that this is not the proper time to attempt the change of our government.

Ir is too notorious and too melancholy a truth, that we now labour under the disadvantage of royal and ministerial difpleasure. The conduct of this province during the late war, hath been almost continually condemned at home. We have been covered with the reproaches of men, whose stations give us just cause to regard their reproaches. The last letters from his majesty's secretary of state prove, that the reputation of the province has not yet revived. We are therein expressly charged

with double dealing, disrespect for his majesty's orders, and in short, accusations, that shew us to be in the utmost discredit. Have we the least reason to believe, when the transactions of this year, and the cause of our application for a change, are made known to the king and his ministers, that their resentment will be waved? Let us not flatter ourselves. Will they not be more incensed, when they find the public service impeded, and his majesty's dominions so long exposed to the ravages of merciless enemies, by our inactivity and obstinacy, as it will be said? For this, I think, hath been the constant language of the ministry on the like occasions. Will not their indignation rise beyond all bounds, when they understand that our hitherto denying to grant supplies, and our application for a change, proceed from the governor's strict adherence to the terms of the stipulations, so solemnly made, and so repeatedly approved, by the late and present king?

BUT I may perhaps be answered," that we have agreed to the terms of the stipulations, according to their true meaning, which the governor refuses to do." Surely, sir, it will require no slight sagacity in distinguishing, no common force of argument, to persuade his majesty and his council, that the refusal to comply with the true meaning of B

VOL. I.

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