make the Divine law, conscience, and our duty, the rule of action, and to adhere to that rule, heavensupported, with the spirit of a martyr,-that is true nobility of soul, that is high moral courage; and although the world of fashion may inflict her most contemptuous frown upon the man who dares to break her chains, he will be cheered and sustained by the Divine approbation, by the testimony of conscience, and the favour of all good men.

It must be admitted, that whenever the house is apprehensive that angry words spoken in debate will lead to a personal altercation, it is prompt to interpose, to prevent the consequences of the absurd and criminal custom, to which so many gentlemen allow themselves to be in bondage. When the quarrel passes off harmlessly, the contrivances by which the wordy warfare is brought to a peaceful termination, consistently with the laws of honour, are sufficiently amusing. They have been well ridiculed by Mr. Dickens, the author of the humourous Pickwick Papers, in the following passage.

Mr. Blotton (of Aldgate) rose to order. Did the honourable Pickwickian allude to him? (Cries of "Order," "Chair," "Yes," "No," "Go on," "Leave off," &c.)

Mr. Pickwick would not be put up to be put down by clamour. He had alluded to the honourable gentleman. (Great excitement.)

Mr. Blotton would only say then, that he repelled the honourable gentleman's false and scurrilous accusation, with profound contempt. (Great cheering.) The honourable gentleman was a hum-bug. (Immense confusion, and loud cries of "chair" and "order.")

Mr. A. Snodgrass rose to order. He threw himself upon the chair. (Hear.) He wished to know whether this disgraceful contest between two members of that club should be allowed to continue. (Hear, hear.)

The Chairman was quite sure the honourable Pickwickian would withdraw the expression he had just made use of.

Mr. Blotton, with all possible respect for the chair, was quite sure he would not.

The Chairman felt it his imperative duty to demand of the honourable gentleman, whether he had used the expression, which had just escaped him, in a common

sense.

Mr. Blotton had no hesitation in saying that he had not he had used the word in its Pickwickian sense. (Hear, hear.) He was bound to acknowledge that personally he entertained the highest regard and esteem for the honourable gentleman, he had merely considered him a hum-bug in a Pickwickian point of view. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. Pickwick felt much gratified by the fair, candid, and full explanation of his honourable friend. He begged it to be at once understood, that his own observations had been merely intended to bear a Pickwickian construction. (Cheers.)

In America they manage these things differently, as will be seen from the following report of a scene in the house of representatives, at Washington, on the 9th September, 1841.

BREACH OF PRIVILEGE.-Whilst Mr. Fillmore was in the midst of a sentence, the reporter (who had noticed Mr. Wise cross over to the seat of Mr. Stanley, and had observed those two gentlemen in conversation, apparently of a very excited character) saw Mr. Wise raise his hand violently and aim a blow at the face of Mr. Stanley, who as instantaneously met or returned it. A violent fight followed, and, in less time than it can be described in this report, a scene of mingled uproar and fight, such as the reporter in many years' experience has never witnessed on the floor of

the house, ensued. Messrs. Wise and Stanley were lost to the sight of the reporter in the general rush, whilst Mr. Arnold, of Tennessee, and Mr. Butler, of Kentucky, were noticed in a violent personal struggle, striking at and grappling with each other. Mr. Dixon, H. Lewis, and Mr. Gilmer, and others, were seen in the midst, endeavouring to quell the disturbance, which had now reached a point at which it seemed impossible to arrest its progress. The members had rushed from all parts of the hall, some rushing over and others standing upon the table, literally piling themselves one on the other, and several canes were seen by the reporter raised up as if in the act of striking. The Speaker during this time had resumed the chair informally, but no one paid the least regard to his voice, and he called in vain on the officers, none of whom were observed by the reporter, with the exception of the door-keeper, who was endeavouring to close the doors and windows against the crowd from without, who attempted to rush within the hall.

Then, after some explanations by the combatants,

Mr. Ingersoll rose, and offered the following resolution:-Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to inquire into the circumstances of the rencontre on the floor of this house, between Mr. Wise and Mr. Stanley, members of this house, and to report thereon to the house.'

Mr. Andrews, of Kentucky, said, that at the last Congress a committee had been appointed on a similar subject when a similar occurrence had taken place. How that investigation ended everybody knew. He was opposed to the appointment of a committee. He considered the former occurrence disgraceful to the house, as he considered this. He thought that the two members engaged deserved to be expelled, and he believed they should be expelled now upon the spot,

and without further delay. (Cries in many parts of the house, 'Agreed,' 'Agreed.') There was no other way in which the house could vindicate its character and its dignity. The committee appointed in a similar case at the last Congress had done nothing, had recommended nothing; and the indignity which had been offered to the house and the country went unpunished and unrebuked. He was for no committee, it would be a mere whitewashing affair, a mere hum-bug, such as we had heretofore had.

The resolution of Mr. Ingersoll, by ayes one hundred and twenty-four, noes not counted, was adopted.

The affair was afterwards settled by the mutual explanation of the members: and on a subsequent occasion, a boxing match took place in the house, between a Mr. Bell and a Mr. Towney, who apologized in like

manner.

The Hon. Augustus Murray relates that a colonel and a general, who were relations, and both members of the American legislature, having quarrelled, the colonel struck the general, who challenged him, leaving the colonel the choice of weapons. The colonel

knowing the general to be an expert swordsman and an unerring shot, proposed that he and the general should both sit on the same barrel of gunpowder, and by applying a match settle all their differences with one grand blow up. The general declined the invitation, and they finally agreed to fight with muskets at five or ten paces. The colonel was wounded in the wrist, and the general was shot through the heart.

Mr. Murray says, the incident derives some importance, as the parties were in respectable and responsible stations, and the circumstances were related to him in a manner rather laudatory of the courage than condemnatory of the thirst of blood displayed. He also quotes from the New Orleans newspapers the following

statement :-"On the 3rd of February, 1835, a little before the usual time of meeting of the house of representatives, Mr. J. Grymes, a distinguished lawyer of New Orleans, entered the hall, and advancing towards Mr. Labranche, the speaker of the house, raised his cane and struck him, whereupon Mr. Labranche drew a pistol and fired at Mr. Grymes. The ball passed through the lappet of his coat; he immediately drew a pistol and fired at Mr. Labranche who fell wounded. After a long dispute as to the right of the house to try Mr. Grymes for this assault, it was carried in the affirmative, and he was brought up to the bar and reprimanded."

Mr. Dickens's work contains many similar incidents that occurred, principally in the slave-holding states.

Thus it appears that universal suffrage and the ballot introduce into the American houses of representatives some legislators who, when arguments fail, have recourse to blows. We have had no boxing matches or assassinations hitherto in the house of commons, and it is to be hoped never will; but let us beware how we open the doors of parliament, by annual elections, ballot, and universal suffrage, to the advocates and admirers of "physical force."

The senates and houses of representatives in the state legislatures being all elected by the people, and only for short periods, are nearly on a par with each other. But the senate of the supreme government is elected in a different manner. The legislature of each state of the union returns two members to the senate at Washington, the entire number at present being fifty-two.

What is the character of that assembly? "There are in the senate a great proportion of men of experience, of sound ability, and who would do credit to any nation upon earth."-FEARON, p. 313. M. De