have not lost any thing. Within and without every thing has been improved amongst us. Our flotillas, the creation of which seemed a chimerical project, the union of which appeared to be impossible, have been created and collected together as if by enchantment. Our soldiers are become seamen; we might say, that the ports and the coasts have been transformed into cities, where the landsmen and seamen apply them selves in full security, and, as during peace, to the terrible and dangerous exercises of war. No doubt we have fewer vessels than England, but their number is sufficient to enable them, after a conjunction wisely prepared, to strike a mortal blow against the enemy. Spain, involved in the contest by provocations, without pretext or excuse, has given us, for auxiliaries, the disapprobation of Europe for an unjust aggression, the indignation of a generous people, and the forces of a great kingdom. Invulnerable on our territory, we have proved that vigilance and an energy which never relaxes, are sufficient for our security. Our colonies are beyond the reach of attack; Guadaloupe, Martinique, the Isle of France, would defy an expedition of 20,000 men. Our cities, our plains, our manufactures prosper the regular and ready receipt of the imposts attests the inexhaustible fecundity of agriculture and industry: commerce, accustomed during the last ten years to be conducted through its expensive relations with England, proceeds now in another channel, and substitutes for these relations, communications more profitable, more independent, and more secure. There are no new imposts; no loans; a debt which can

a word, an union of means sufficient to support during ten years, the existing state of war; such is the position of France. This war has indeed been scarcely offensive; but it is far from having been inactive. France has been guaranteed. She has created strength hitherto unknown. She has produced, in the bosom of an enemy's country, a perpetual source of disquietude, without remedy; and by a prudence and an unbending energy. she has acquired for ever the confidence of the continent, at first somewhat shaken by the commencement of an incendiary war, which might set Europe in a flame, and whose progress has been arrested by the unceasing efforts of vigilance, moderation, firmness, and wisdom.-What is the situation of the enemy? The people are up in arms, and whilst necessity, seconded by genius, has led us to invent a new species of marine, necessity and terror have compelled the cabinet of England to substitute in general, the pike for the ordinary implements of war. This cabinet is divided betwixt projects of invasion, and projects of defence. It is lavish in useless entrenchments; it covers its coasts with fortifications; it erects and destroys its batteries without end; it makes experiments, whether it could not stop or turn the course of rivers. It plans inundations on its own fertile plains; the indolence of cities reigns in the fields; the turbulence of the country pants in its citics.-Ireland, the Indies, the shores, even England, are an everlasting and unbounded object of uneasiness. All that belongs to England is endlessly menaced by 1500 vessels which compose our flotilla, at present by sixty ships of

the

have never been in unison, we should not rest upon a single symptom. Time will soon develope to us the secret resolutions of the government of England. Should these resolutions be just and moderate, we shall see the calamities of war at an end; should, on the contrary, this first appearance of accommodation prove but a false light, intended only to answer speculations of credit, to facilitate a loan, the acquisition of money, purchases, or enterprises, then we shall know how far the dise positions of the enemy are implacable and obstinate, and we shall have only to banish all hope from a dangerous lure; and trust without reserve to the goodness of our cause, to the justice of providence, and to the genius of the emperor -Whilst expecting new lights to illustrate the obscurity of the actual state of affairs, his majesty the emperor has conceived that the imperfect disclosure which his majesty the king of England has thought proper to make of the first overtures of France, called for a full explanation on his part of all that he wished, of what he did, and of the answer of the English government. At the same time he has commissioned me to make known to you, that he will ever feel a real satisfaction, dear to his heart, in making known to the senate, and to his people, by frank, full and unambiguous communications, every thing that shall be connected with the interests of its prosperity and its glory, on every occasion when such communication shall be consistent with the principles of policy, and the rules of discretion.

the line, and by a valiant army commanded by the first generals in the world. Of all kinds of menaces, would not that of simple patience be the most terrible, which would enable us to persevere for ten years in this state of delay and of effort, which leaves to our active hostilities the knowledge and the choice of the place, the time and the means of annoyance. These considerations, and this contrast should, in my opi nion, have inspired the English government with the wise resolution of taking the first steps to prevent hostilities. It has not done so. It has left to the emperor all the advantage of originating this honourable overture. It has given an an swer, nevertheless, to the propositions that had been made to it; and if this answer be compared with the shamefully celebrated declamations of lord Grenville, in the year 8, I am ready to acknowledge, that it is by no means void of moderation and wisdom. I shall have the honour to read it to you. (Here he read the letter of lord Mulgrave.) The character that pervades this answer, is vague and indeterminate. One single idea presents itself with some precision, that of having recourse to foreign powers; and this idea is by no means pacific; a superfluous interference ought not to be appealed to, if there be not a desire to embarrass the discussions, and to make them endless. The ordinary consequence of all complicated negotiations is to exasperate the mind, to weary out good intentions, and to throw back nations into a war, become more furious from the vexation of an unsuccessful attempt at an accommodation. Nevertheless, on a question regarding a multitude of interests and of passions, which

VOL. XLVII.

chimeras, idle pretexts to avoid negotiations for peace; such has always been the perfidious system which seeks to sow the seeds of war in the continent, to eternize the monopoly of a single nation, and oppress the commerce of all others. It was this same spirit which, to authorize the violation of the treaty of Amiens, created in our ports imaginary armaments, and terrified the English nation with destructive projects.If the voice of humanity be not listened to, those will be culpable who expose their country to dangers, which he whom they accuse of being the author of them, has constantly endeavoured to prevent. The enlightened politicians of all countries, the English nation itself, slowly undeceived, have blamed the blind obstinacy of the English government, when, in the year eight, it neglected a favourable opportunity which was offered it, to make an honourable peace; and, perhaps, the present greatness of France is a consequence of that false policy. The future will shew the efforts of a blindness so obstinate; and perhaps, in ten years, our situation to treat may be still more advantageous. In war and in politics there are opportunities which never again recur, and which leave regret for ages, that they have been suffered to escape. If such be the destiny of England, it remains only for French bravery to display all its energy, and finally to triumph over that eternal enemy of the liberty of the seas and the tranquillity of nations.

war of the British ministry. Austria, Prussia, the whole of Germany, wish for peace, and wish it with France. Even within these few days, the emperor has received the most positive assurances of their amicable dispositions. The emperor Alexander would have prevented the war, had England consented to accept his mediation: he would, perhaps, since have put an end to it, if his ministers at Paris and London had followed the intentions he then entertained. The intervention of Russia, extremely useful to prevent hostilities, cannot be equally so when it is proposed to terminate them. England has nothing to dread from the power of Russia, and does not conceive herself interested in observing certain measures with her. This is known to all Europe; the events of the year nine have demonstrated it; the British government has proved it. If England at present wishes to derive advantage from some confidential communications, it certainly is not to manifest more pacific intentions; her aim is to gain credit for an apparent coalition. But she has no chance of success, and her hopes are illusory; for at Petersburg, as well as at Vienna, as well as at Berlin, the attack of the Spanish frigates in the midst of peace; the assassination, in the midst of peace, of three hundred victims, immolated by the cannon of England, or buried in the waves. The capture, in the midst of peace, of the Spanish regiments, the detention in the Mediterranean of eighty vessels of all nations, and their perpetual violation of the liberty of the seas, are considered as an attack on the rights of nations and injurious to all sovereigns.-This correspondence, these confidential relations, are therefore only so many