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of a coalition in favour of England.

troops, establishing of magazines, baking of biscuit, taking up of The undersigned has, therefore, draught-horses, are considered by received orders, on the supposition all powers as a declaration of war, most agreeable to his majesty, viz. especially if such preparations are on the supposition that Austria is made on a frontier, which is left desirous of peace, to demand: 1, unprovided by a power employed That the twenty-one regiments, elsewhere, at an opposite and very which have been sent to the German distant frontier. His majesty, de- and Italian Tyrol, shall be withsirous of reconciling those disposi- drawn, and that those troops only tions with the pacific expressions of shall remain in both the said prohis majesty the emperor of Ger- vinces, which were there six months many, in which he has always placed ago. 2. That the camp-fortificathe strongest confidence, can only tions be discontinued. The emperor reconcile them on the supposition, does not require, that Austria shall that this monarch knows nothing of not erect real fortifications. The the wrong that has been done to right of erecting them belongs to all France; and that the diversion oc- states, and precaution often makes casioned by his armament is tanta- it the duty of a prince. But as mount to actual hostilities. His Venice is certainly no fortress, the majesty is still desirous of persuad- works carrying on there at present ing himself, that that monarch really are nothing else than camp-works. knows nothing of it; but the natu- 3. That the troops in Stiria, in ral consequences of a similar error Carinthia, in Friuli, and in the Veare equally detrimental to France netian territory, be reduced to the as positive hostile intentions; and numbers at which they stood six for this very reason his majesty's months ago. Lastly, That Austria interest requires to be beforehand declare to England her firm and with them. It is no longer protes- unshaken determination to preserve tations which can satisfy his majesty. an exact and scrupulous neutrality, His majesty cannot admit any inter- without taking a part in the present mediate state betwixt that of war or dispute; because it is the duty of of peace. If Austria wants peace, Austria, if she will preserve a sysevery thing in Austria must be re- tem of neutrality, to do nothing, stored to the peace establishment. either mediately, or 'immediately, in Should Austria desire war, his ma- favour of England. The undersignjesty will have no other alternative ed has also received orders to dethan to throw back upon the aggres- clare to his excellency count Cosor all the evils which he would bentzel, or rather to repeat the bring, not only upon the present declaration so often made to him, generation, but also (his majesty that the dearest wish of his majesty dares to utter it with pride) upon his the emperor of the French, is the own states and his own family; for continuance of the peace with the his majesty will flatter himself to German emperor; that his majesty obtain, in a new war, similar victo- would unwillingly take those steps ries as in the preceding; and to se- which he would be obliged to take, cure himself against those diversions by a positive refusal, or even an which are, as it were, the first step evasive or dilatory answer, to the

demands

him.

demands which the undersigned has been directed to make; but that in a situation like that of Austria, prince Charles would not hesitate, as that prince is too good a soldier not to behave in a similar manner; and that if his majesty is obliged to repel force by force, he will not commit the fault to wait until the Russians have joined the Austrians against His excellency count Cobentzel knows too well the importance and urgency of the present circumstances, for the undersigned to think it necessary to invite him to hasten, as much as is possible and depends on him, an answer, which his majesty expects with an impatience that is justified on so many grounds. The undersigned seizes this opportunity, &c.

Note from the French Government, in reply to the Note of M. Novcsiltzoff, addressed to the Court of Berlin: as published in the Frankfort Gazette of the 11th of September, 1805.

The note, which is said to have been addressed by M. Novosiltzoff, to the court of Berlin, has been published in the German journals. The false assertions which it contains, and the strange pretensions which it manifests, the total want of decorum, which characterises that pretended state paper, do not permit the undersigned to remain silent on its publication. He has received formal orders to communicate to his excellency M. de

the following observations. He does not doubt but that they will be sufficient to rectify the impressions which might have been produced by a paper, which is an offensive and inaccurate

exposition of indirect and temporary circumstances, which have lately taken place between Russia and his majesty. The emperor and king, has for a long time observed, in silence, the progress of Russia, towards the south of Asia: he saw, with just uneasiness, the danger which threatened Persia and Turkey, two great empires; one of which cannot be overcome without involving the other in inevitable ruin, and the other is the sole barrier between the continent and Russia. The states of the grand Seignior are not only threatened, but his cabinet is continually besieged by intri guers, and is every day humbled by new demands, and by arrogant propositions, which are injurious to the dignity of the prince, and do not leave the ministers the free choice of any measures. His provinces are agitated with new disorders, which the agents of Russia openly foment. Pachas and seditious governors are confirmed in their culpable enterprises, and pride themselves upon their projects of independence, and upon the assistance of Russia. The Greeks, a nation who, till this day, were submissive subjects, are revolting on all sides against the Turks, and their disobedience is not punished. The Russian squadrons pervade the Ottoman seas, and carry to their coasts, arms, recruiting parties, agents of trouble and insurrection; and, we may well doubt, if there does not now exist in Tartary a greater number of men who are concerting and contriving to destroy that unhappy empire, than the sovereign could arm and embody, to ensure its preservation. Such is the disastrous state of Turkey.---The emperor, affected to see himself almost the only, prince on the con.

tinent.

tinent who very early foresaw the projects which were formed against Turkey, hoped that the imprudent rapidity with which they were developed, would open the eyes of Europe, and he has seen with pleasure, a circumstance which enables his majesty to bring this interesting subject into discussion, and call the attention of all the cabinets to it. His majesty the king of Prussia wrote to him to communicate the desire which the emperor of Russia had expressed, and to send one of his chamberlains; when passports were demanded the emperor neither received nor asked for an explanation. He knew before-hand, and he expressed his opinion upon that point to the king of Prussia, that no hopes of the tranquillity of the world could be founded upon that negotiation; though, perhaps, a favourable opinion might still be entertained of the personal generosity of the emperor Alexander, no favourable result could be expected from a discussion in which his moderation had been so perversely overcome by foreign influence, and by the intrigues of those who surround him-That, in reality, Russia takes no real and sincere part in the interests of the continent; but, indifferent to the happiness of Europe, her intervention in political storms has ever served only to increase hatred and inflame passion. That, at all times, the quarrels of other powers have been to her only the subject of a mere idle speculation, and that now, occupied as she is, with the progressive annihilation of Persia and Turkey, they can only be to her a momentary subject for diversion or perhaps of fantasy. His majesty, the emperor, however, ordered that the passports should

be sent; and, since then, nothing more has been heard of the chamberlain of the emperor of Russia. It must doubtless be regretted, that an opportunity has been lost of making just and severe representations to Russia on her conduct in Asia, on the oppression with which she menaces the Ottoman empire, and on the causes of the alarm which begins to spread every where, at the approach of an event, which threatens to destroy for ever the equilibrium of the south of Europe. It is in this point of view, above all, that his majesty looked upon the proposed negotiation as an advantageous project, which might tend to the general good, and he is afflicted that the caprice of Russia has, in this respect, disappointed his hopes. In exposing, however, on this head, his real views, he does not think himself obliged to enter into any explanation with respect to the pretended dispositions that the letter of M. de Novosiltzoff attributes to him. It is simply this, that an irresolute cabinet, to give a colour to an absurd measure, endeavours to impute to France, contradictions in conduct and language, which do not belong to her.-But here the recrimination is only a pretext, and a pretext without truth. Passports solicited and obtained, do not constitute a negotiation. France said ́ nothing. Russia alone made a demonstration, and demanded that one of her agents should be admitted to be heard. If this demand had been coupled with offensive conditions, with clauses which it is astonishing to see in a note purporting to be official, it would have remained unanswered. The character of his majesty the emperor is too well established in Europe to have the im

possible

possible supposition for a moment believed, that he would have permitted propositions to be made to him, contrary to his dignity, or have listened to such propositions. Nevertheless, to take away all possibility of belief from any such allegation, or that even which the agents of Russia have judged proper to publish, the undersigned has received orders to deny it in the most positive and formal manner.

Gregorian Calender.-Decrec of the Conservative Senate; September, 9th, 1805.

The conservative senate, the number of members being assembled prescribed by the 90th article of the constitutional act of the 13th December, 1799. Having seen the projet of a senatus consultum, prepared in the form prescribed by the 57th article of the constitutional act of the 4th of August, 1801. After having heard, respecting the motives of the said projet, the orators of government, and the report of the special committee, appointed in the sitting of the 2d instant, decree as follows: Art. 1. From the 1st of January, 1806, the Gregorian ca. lendar shall be used throughout the French empire. Art. 2. The present senatus consultum shall be transmitted by a message to his imperial majesty.

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Exposé of the reciprocal Conduct of France and Austria, since the Peace of Luneville, read by the Minister of Foreign Relations in the Consercative Senate of France, at the Sitting of the 23d Sept. 1805.

All Europe knows, that, during the war, in the midst even of the most signal and decisive successes, the emperor of the French never ceased to wish for peace; that he often offered it to his enemics; that, after having reduced them to the condition of receiving it as a benefaction, he granted it to them upon terms which they dared not to expect, and which rendered his moderation no less conspicuous than his victories. He is sensible of the full value of the glory acquired by arms in a just and necessary war; but there is a glory more calm and dear to his heart; his first wish, the constant end of all his efforts, has ever been the tranquillity of Europe, the repose and happiness of na. tions. This end had been attained ; the emperor omitted nothing to make it lasting. It would still continue, if the increasing prosperity of France had not brought it to a period. It was at first altered by the artful measures, and afterwards broken by the open perfidy of the cabinet of St. James's. But peace reigned at least on the continent: through the vain and false pretexts under which England sought to shelter herself, Europe easily discovered her real motives.—England was afraid of beholding the French colonies, which had been, and which might become, so flourishing, rise from their ruins, and grow up again, as it were, out of their ashes; jealousy wished to stifle, or at least to arrest in its progress the industry of France,

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France, revived by the peace; it cherished the silly desire to drive the French flag from those seas, in which it had hitherto appeared with distinction, or at least to reduce it, so as that it could no longer appear there but in a state of degradation, unworthy of the rank which France holds amongst nations. But the motives of England did not terminate there; she was urged on by that insatiable avidity, which makes her covet the monopoly of the commerce and industry of all nations; by that unbounded pride, which induces her to look upon herself as mistress of the seas, and which is the only foundation of the extraordinary despotism which she exercises upon them.-The cause then that France had to defend, was the cause of Europe, and it was natural to suppose, that neither the intrigues of England, nor the gold which she held forth to all those who might be disposed to be subservient to her ambition, nor her deceitful promises, could engage in her quarrel any of the continental powers. No one of them, in fact, appeared disposed to accept either her propositions or her recommendations.-At ease respecting the dispositions of the continent, the emperor turned all his thoughts to the maritime war, for which every thing was to be created. Flects were built; ports were excavated; camps were formed on the shores of the ocean the emperor had assembled there all the forces of his empire; and his troops forming them. selves under his inspection for operations altogether new, were preparing for new triumphs. England perceived the dangers with which she was menaced. She wished to obviate them by crimes. Assassins were thrown upon the coast of

France. The English ministers to neutral powers became the agents of a warfare, infamous as atrocious, of a warfare of conspiracies and assassinations.-The emperor saw into these pitiful conspiracies; he treated them with contempt, and was not thereby prevented from offering peace on the same terms which he had before proposed.-So much generosity could not assuage, nay, seemed even to augment the frenzy of the cabinet of St. James's. Its answer shewed clearly that it would not think of peace, till the hope should be extinguished of deluging the continent with blood and carnage. But it was sensible, that to accomplish such a design, the association in its views of a power, by its position, almost as unconnected with the continental system as England, would not be sufficient; that not having any thing to expect from Prussia, whose sentiments were too well known, its expectation would be vain, as long as Austria should remain faithful to her neutrality.— Austria, which had twice experienced, at the end of two disastrous wars, at the time of the treaties of Campo-Formio and of Luneville, the generosity that France was disposed to shew towards a vanquished enemy, did not by any means pay the same religious observance to treaties, as France. Notwithstanding the formal stipulations of these treaties, the debt of Venice was not discharged; it was even declared extinguished. The emperor was aware, that his subjects of Milan and Mantua experienced a denial of justice, and that the court of Vienna had liquidated none of their demands, in contempt of the solemn engagements which it had entered into. He was aware that the com

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