years of a reign, accompanied with the most extraordinary events, so many deep proofs of unshaken attachment, will support us with all their might in this undertaking, formed with a view to their real good, and will hasten, in consequence, to aid us in restoring that happy state of things which was always our first object, and the wish nearest to our heart. We expect then, of our faithful states and subjects, that they will not only continue to pay regularly the tax called the classes, which has been levied in 1805, and which has been prolonged in 1806, by a particular patent, dated this day, but that they will also furnish, with no less good will to maintain our armics more easily, contributions in kind, consisting of corn and oats. (The proclamation then fixes the number of bushels for each province.) However willingly we should grant to our faithful states and subjects the usual indemnity for these supplies, we cannot this time satisfy this desire, because our finances, obliged to make head against so many other extraordinary expences, are not in a condition also to supply the indemnity, and that there would thus remain to pay it no other resource, than to raise the necessary sums by means of another contribution in money.

Letter from M. Talleyrand to Count Cobentzel, on his sending him a Memorial, in Answer to his Note of Sept. 3.

The undersigned has the honour to transmit to his excellency count Cobentzel, the annexed memorial, drawn up in consequence of the note of the cabinet of Vienna,

which count Cobentzel addressed to the undersigned on the 3d of September. Since that memorial received the approbation of his majes ty the emperor of the French, the Austrian army has passed the Inn and invaded Bavaria. If the pacific sentiments with which his majesty the emperor of Germany and of Austria says he is animated, be real, he must be aware that no negotia tion can be entered upon; that no proposition can be listened to, unless the Austrian troops recross the Inn, and return to their due limits. If the court of Vienna refuses to withdraw them, it is the intention of his majesty to compel him to it by force of arms. The calamities which must be the inevitable consequence of such a war, will wholly redound upon the house of Austria, and victory will declare against the oppressor, in favour of the weaker oppressed. The undersigned · has received from his majesty the emperor and king, express orders to declare, that in no case his majesty will suffer Austria to aggrandize herself in Germany, or to make acquisitions in Bavaria, and accomplish the project she has often betrayed, to extend her frontiers to the Lech, and to drive the elector of Bavaria to the left bank of the Danube. Such a project is too decidedly hostile to the interest of the Germanic Body, to those of France, to the promises in which his majesty the emperor and king has bound himself, to the engagements into which he has entered to maintain the integrity of Bavaria. After this positive declaration of a resolution which, in every circumstance which may arise, will be an invariable rule of conduct for France, it will be for the house of Austria to consider, whether it be

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her interest to incur all the hazards of war, merely because she wishes, but without any well-grounded hope of being able to accomplish her wish, to obtain a part of Bavaria? for, fruitless would be her efforts to conceal what is now notorious to all Europe, that such in reality is her only object. The undersigned requests the assurances of his high consideration, &c. (Signed)

Talleyrand Perigord.

Memorial referred to in the preceding Note; being the French Answer to the Second Declaration of the Court of Vienna to the French Court.

Without dwelling upon the alle gations which pervade the note of the court of Vienna, (of the 3d of September) attention will only be paid to the notions of peace which that note holds forth. The court of Vienna has made levies of men, and preparations of all sorts she now allows a foreign army to enter her territory. Her only object, to listen to her assurances, is to oblige France and England to make peace; but, if such be the object of the court of Vienna, how has it hap pened that she forgets to make known the basis upon which that peace ought to be concluded? Is the basis to be the treaties of Luneville or Amiens, or the status præsens of the two nations, as seemed to be the wish of Austria, when the first overtures were made for the last peace e? Or, after all pretensions, drawn from the same source as the allegations now directed against France; from an attentive

perusal of the note of the court of Vienna, it would appear that Austria would assume for the basis of future negotiations, the treaties of Luneville and of Amiens; but will England, who not long since refused to re-establish peace upon these principles, accede to them at present? The cabinet of Vienna has said nothing upon the subject, and should it happen that England would not adopt them, his majesty the emperor of Germany, who would not assume the character of mediator, unless he were really invested with it; a character which essentially consists in an impassable justice; a perfect impartiality, has no doubt, in concert with other powers, adopted measures for obliging England to acknowledge his principle of mediation, as he has taken to the same effect to compel France: doubtless he has fleets ready equip. ped, cruizes set on foot; in fine, all possible means put in force, which are indispensibly necessary to the attainment of his object. The note of the cabinet of Vienna affords no light upon any of these points. It is essential, however, to know,1st, Whether the court of Vienna is aware whether the treaties of Luneville and of Amiens are to be taken as the basis of the new negotiations, or whether those treaties are to be abolished? 2dly, In the latter supposition, upon what basis does the court of Vienna understand that the negotiations are to be set on foot? 3dly, Whether England has declared her readiness to adhere to the principles of his mediation? 4thly, In case of refusal on the part of England, what measures have been taken by the mediator, and what means has he at his dispo

val to compel her to adhere to it? If the court of Vienna has not put these questions to itself, and if it requires time to answer them, this alone should make it sensible, that it has acted with a precipitancy, contrary not only to all the assurances it had given, but also to the end it declares to have in view; and it may further be attempted to ob. serve, contrary to what the enlightened policy of the house of Austria would advise it to adopt. Be it as it may, approaching circumstances will decide, whether it has been guided by a just conviction of its own interests, or led astray by blind prejudices. The remonstrances and assurances to which the court of Vienna here alludes, are mere il lusions. She made no observation; she preferred no complaint; no, not more than the court of France has made respecting the incorporation of Lindau, and all the other annexations that have been made by Austria in Suabia. The threats of armaments, and the pretended determination to uphold by force, what the court of Vienna styles innovations, have a still less real existence. The free and salutary organization of a country previously governed by law, arising out of accidental circumstances, most assuredly does not require to be supported by threats, or guaranteed by hostile armaments. And how can it be said, with any shadow of probability, that the emperor of the French was threatening Austria, at the very moment of the greatest activity of his preparations against England?

Historical Representation of the Events which have directed the Conduct of his Electoral Highness

the Elector Palatine of Bavaria. Dated Wurtzburgh, Sept. 29, 1805.

Bowed down by the consequences of an unfortunate and exhausting war, Bavaria reposed in the slumber of the most profound peace. Without care it saw the different camps in the adjoining Austrian states, formed one after another. The want of peace appeared to be general, and it never suspected that it could be the intention of the powers to interrupt the public tranquillity. Though a dryness between France and Russia threatened a storm from afar, yet it was believed that the distance between these two powers might afford a well-grounded hope, that the misunderstanding would not come to a final rupture; or, at least, that Germany would not be involved in it.

Besides, the object of their dispute was so foreign to the interests of the Bavarian states, that the idea could scarcely be admitted, that it could be involved in the contest Bavaria had no against France.

complaint against the emperor Napoleon. By his vigorous co-operation, it had received indemnification for the losses it had sustained in the last war; and the courts of Vienna and Petersburgh cannot deny the interest which the emperor of the French took on that occasion, in the elector of Bavaria. In these circumstances accounts were received in Munich, that the negotiations which had scarcely commenced between France and Russia were broken off, and at the same time that a numerous army of Austrian troops were assembling at Wels, while considerable reinforcements were marching to the Tyrol. Seve ral divisions of troops passed without previous notice, on their march Y y 4

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to the Tyrol, a part of the electoral territory. The remonstrances made upon this subject, produced the most satisfactory assurances from the Austrian envoy at Munich, that this had taken place quite contrary to the will of the emperor; and inquiry was promised to be instituted into the conduct of the officers who had led the divisions, who they said should be properly punished. No. thing more was heard of the matter, but the passages of troops without permission, followed more frequent ly and in greater numbers than before, Scarcely were these accounts received, when the camp at Wels broke up, and the march of the troops to Braunau gave reason to suppose that they meant soon to cross the Inn. The elector, however, hoped to be able to preserve that neutrality, which his geographical situation, and the interests of his exhausted states, seemed to prescribe to him as the most agrecable system. The elector had already commissioned his minister to make Overtures upon the subject to the court of Vienna, when prince Schwarzenberg suddenly appeared in Munich. He brought a letter from the emperor of Russia, in which his imperial majesty, in the most decided terms, desired the im'mediate union of the Bavarian with the Austrian troops. This letter contained threats in case this desire was not fulfilled, and an assu rance, in case of its being accomplished, that he would never make any pretensions on the smallest part of Bavaria. In this categorical manner an overture was made, at a period when we had the less reason to expect any pretensions to be set forth by the Austrian Court, that the electoral ministry had just

concluded a convention with the imperial plenipotentiary at Munich, subject to the ratification of the elector, by which very considerable sacrifices were made in favour of his imperial majesty, aud the elector of Saltzburgh. The prince of Schwarzenberg, explained more particularly, in an interview granted him by the elector, and in another which he had with the minister of foreign affairs, in a commanding tone, the intentions of the emperor. He de. sired the Bavarian army should be forthwith delivered up to the Austrian generals, and that in separate divisions it should be incorporated with the Austrian army. The menace even escaped them that the Bavarian troops, if that desire was not fulfiled, should be disarmed. He required a complete and accurate representation of the state of the Bavarian army, and to all his other demands he added another, that the elector should give him an answer on the same day. Nothing was prepared, the elector thinking that he ought to yield to his confidence in the court of Vienna, immediately dispatched to his majesty the em peror, whose regard for right and justice are so generally recognised, his lieutenant-general the count Nogarolla, with a letter, written by his own hand, in which, in the openest and most cordial terms, he confidentially represented to his majesty the situation in which the elector found himself, the necessity he was under of abiding by the system of neutrality he had adopted. Without permitting himself to take any steps which could excite suspicions respecting his intentions, the elector by the mission of this general, deprived himself of the commander of one of the principal divisions of his

army.