temperate review of the influence which the Complutensian text has had upon succeeding editions of the New Testament, candidly allowing that its recension has long been surpassed, albeit it was the "first" among the Polyglots, and the most ancient of the editions of the New Testament, thus concludes the subject: "Time has indeed robbed Alcalá of its ancient glory-her University; but the Bible of Alcalá, though so few copies of it were printed, remains for all time in honour and renown, and raises itself aloft, untouched amidst the ruin and desolation which for fifty years have laid waste unfortunate Spain. Political revolutionists have, alas! destroyed or suppressed all those magnificent colleges which Ximenez believed he had established for ever; but amidst the ruin of his buildings, they cannot bury the glorious name of their founder, and much less, can they silence the voice of his great Polyglot, which will proclaim to posterity both the glory of its originator and his undying love for Biblical pursuits." -P. 175. Yet this Polyglot was not the only work the printing of which was accomplished at the expense of Ximenez. Gomez gives a long list of books brought out under his most liberal patronage, books of devotion, of philosophy, and of church music being included amongst the number. All these must make way for us to mention the Cardinal's third great work, that which was connected with liturgical revision. On a visit to the cathedral library at Toledo in the year 1502, he found more MSS. in the old Gothic character which proved to be service books of the Gothic or Mozarabic liturgy. It is an old and rather long story, the history of the Mozarabic liturgy, how the early Spanish rite of S. Torquatus became impregnated with the Græco-Arianism of the Alani, Suevi, the Vandals, and the Visigoths, the successive conquerors of Spain; how intimately related were the Churches of Spain and Constantinople in the time of Hosius; how after various fluctuations when the Visigoth Kings became converted, S. Isidore of Seville compiled a new liturgy out of the old service books, to secure, if possible, a uniform ritual throughout the kingdom. The subsequent fate of this Gothic liturgy, written partly in Greek and partly in Latin, is very soon explained. Those Spaniards who submitted to the Moorish rule were allowed to retain their old liturgy which was promiscuously called then the Mostarabic, the Muzarabic, the Mozarabic or MixedArabic. After this liturgy was suspected of heresy, the portion of the Spaniards who were free put themselves in communication with Rome. It was mainly under Pope Gregory VII. and King Alfonso VI., supported by Cardinal Richard, that the Council of Burgos (1085) sanctioned the universal introduction into Spain of the Roman Gregorian liturgy. Toledo alone contended for the old rite, and at last the King allowed this rite to be used in the six parish churches of that city, of SS. Justa, Luke, Eulalia, Marc, Torquatus, Sebastian; in which dwelt Christians who submitted to the Moorish rule. In these churches, after a time, as the old inhabitants died out the Gregorian service came into use, the Mozarabic rite only being celebrated on certain festivals in commemoration of its former use. Cardinal Mendoza tried partially to restore this old rite-causing a great number of liturgical MSS. to be collated, and expending large sums in the printing of Mozarabic Missals and Breviaries in the Castilian, but not in the ancient Gothic characters. Ximenez took up the matter where Mendoza left it; we give his services to this liturgy in our author's own words :: 6 "But in order that the Mozarabic rite might for the future rest on a more secure foundation, Ximenez erected a very beautiful chapel, called Ad Corpus Christi,' in his own cathedral; he also founded a college of thirteen priests for the Mozarabic rite, who were called 'Mozarabes Sodales' or Capellani,' with a head chaplain named Capellanus Major. These celebrated the divine office every day, and recited the canonical hours according to this liturgy. They also exercised the rite of presentation to all ecclesiastical posts in the six parish churches of the Mozarabic rite. The patronage of these institutions was confided to the chapter of Toledo.”—P. 186. This appears to have been the last service to literature of any note which was performed by Ximenez. Highly educated as he was, he was rather the founder of a great undertaking of various kinds than the executive of any. Hence he wrote nothing; his own pen lay dormant. He was a practical man of action rather than a theoretical man of letters, and the remainder of his life amply justifies this remark. We find him organizing a thorough reform in his own vast diocese, and giving general regulations for the guidance of the clergy throughout the kingdom, both regulars and seculars. Then Isabella dies; and Ximenez is named as one of her executors; the state negotiations on the affairs of Castile, and the mediation between Ferdinand and Philip occupy the next chapter in this interesting, biography. When Philip dies, Ximenez becomes regent of the kingdom of Castile, and when Ferdinand was appointed the new regent, he procured for Ximenez a cardinal's hat, with the title of S. Balbinus and "Cardinal of Spain." The seventeenth chapter of the book extends over nearly one-fifth of the whole work, and consists of an elaborate defence of the Spanish inquisition, and an exposure of all the false statements-for truly some of them are false-which are put forth by Llorente. Then follows the conquest of Oran; the Cardinal's support of Julius II.; and finally his solicitude for America. We have passed all these events by, because did we notice them, we must deal critically with many of them, (for both our author and translator have the habit of looking at plain facts through their own glasses ;) and our space does not permit us to do this. Suffice it to say, that to the last Ximenez served the state, that the last few months of his life were spent in making preparations for the arrival of Charles V. in Spain. The ingratitude of that king, was just that conduct which would truly teach him after the many experiences of a long life of action, to put no confidence in man. As his time of departure drew nigh, he knew that it was at hand, and he prepared for it; he commended the care of his beloved University of Alcalá to the unworthy Charles, "Petrus Lerma, Antonio Rodrigo, and Balbas recited the Prayer for the Dying, when he calmly expired, exclaiming in the words of David, 'In Te Domine speravi,' on the 8th of November, 1517, in the eighty-second year of his life and the twenty-second of his episcopacy." Despite its extreme partiality this book is really a very valuable one, it fills up no mean gap in the history of the time, and it gives us the life of a class of men almost extinct, a class which united in one man, enormous wealth, almost unbounded power, consummate statesmanship, with a liberal patronage of learning and letters, and these good gifts were joined to the Christian priesthood, so that their possessor became at once the great Christian prelate of a great Christian hierarchy. PHYSICAL ASPECTS OF THE IRISH REVIVAL. The Epidemics of the Middle Ages. From the German of J. F. C. HECKER, M.D.; Translated by B. G. BABINGTON, M.D., F.R.S., &c. Third Edition. London: Trübner & Co. 1859. : DEAN TUCKER relates somewhere that Bishop Butler frequently put the question to him, "What is there to hinder a particular mania from attacking a body of men, in the same manner as it seizes an individual ?" The question can only be answered by determining whether mania is due to external causes, as well as internal; if from the former, it becomes epidemic; if from the latter, it remains merely endemic in the one case, it will run through a country or a district, like the cholera or fever; in the other it will appear in single individual cases, not influencing others. The point can only be settled by careful induction, and examination of history. Dr. Hecker's book is a most satisfactory investigation of the facts of history, and proves beyond a doubt that particular forms of mania have at various times been epidemic. The author searches the history of the strange manifestation of fanaticism in the middle 1 P. 551. ages, which are known as the "Dancing Mania," "Tarantism," that of the "Flagellants," and that of the "Convulsionaires at the Tomb of the Abbé Paris;" and he shows that these strange exhibitions were instances of epidemic mania. That they were religious does not interfere with the physical fact of epidemy; since religious fanaticism supervening upon mania turns its course in that direction, from the fact that religion is the most powerful principle in the mind-a matter well-known to every one who has to do with even endemic mania: the majority of the insane in our lunatic asylums are mad on some religious subjects. We shall now follow our author through his description of some of these manifestations, and point out the extreme value of his work, in determining that form prominent in the present year, the "Revival." Among the most singular of those was "the Dancing Mania;" it appeared first at Aix-la-Chapelle. Numbers of men and women from all parts of Germany gathered together, and commenced dancing they joined hand to hand, and appeared to lose all control over themselves in the wild delirium of dancing; nature, exhausted by the violence of the exercise, at length gave way, and they fell to the ground in a state of helplessness and prostration of strength. Immediately on falling, extreme oppression was felt, which could only be removed by being bound tightly round the waist with bands, or, by a ruder, and perhaps readier manner, of being kicked or struck on the parts affected. While dancing, their natural senses were held in suspension; they neither saw nor heard, but fancy within took the place of sense, and impressed them with the notion that they were immersed in a sea of blood, to escape which they were compelled to leap as high as they could. Others saw visions of Heaven, the Blessed Virgin and her Divine SoN enthroned on high. When the disease was completely developed, the attack commenced with epileptic convulsions; they fell senseless, labouring for breath, foaming at the mouth, until they relieved themselves by the violent exercise of leaping or dancing. One very singular affection is recorded; extreme irritation at the sight of anything of a red colour. Whether this was a mere animal instinct, like that of bulls, or whether it brought back the delusion of the sea of blood, from which they fancied themselves always trying to escape, we cannot tell; it was, however, equally true that certain other colours excited the most opposite feelings: "No sooner did the patients obtain a sight of their favourite colour, than, new as the impression was, they rushed like infuriated animals towards the object, kissed and caressed it in every possible way, and gradually resigning themselves to softer sensations, adopted the languishing expression of enamoured lovers, and embraced the handkerchief, or whatever article it might be, which was presented to them with the most intense ardour, while tears streamed down their eyes as if they were completely overwhelmed by the inebriating impression on their senses."-P. 111. In Tarantism there was not the same aversion to red as there was in the S. Vitus' dancers, though there seems to have been generally an antipathy to some particular colour, on the sight of which the patient flew into the most violent rage, and would tear the clothes of any one who wore the offensive colour. Another singular symptom displayed in Tarantism was an ardent longing for the sea. "As S. John's dancers of the 14th century saw, in the spirit, the heavens open, and display all the splendour of the saints, so those who were suffering from the bite of the Tarantula felt themselves attracted to the boundless expanse of the blue ocean, and lost themselves in its contemplation. Some songs, which are yet preserved, mark the peculiar longing, which was moreover expressed by significant music, and was excited by the bare mention of the sea. Some, in whom this susceptibility was carried to the greatest pitch, cast themselves with great fury into the blue waves, as the S. Vitus' dancers occasionally did into rapid rivers."-P. 112. Another symptom of Tarantism was the partial loss of the senses; some became weak-sighted, others deaf, others lost the power of speech, others became unconscious of all that was passing around them. The only cure for any of these symptoms was music,-music which seemed to compel them to dance; and their dance lasting until nature was exhausted, relieved them of the oppression. In the case of S. John's dance, it is said, that throughout the whole of June, prior to the Festival of S. John, the patients felt the utmost restlessness and disquietude; they wandered about in an unsettled state, being tormented with twitching pains, which seized them suddenly in different parts of their bodies; one thing they anxiously looked for, and that was S. John's Eve; they expected on that day, by dancing before the altar of the saint, to be relieved of their load, and delivered from their sufferings. Similar virtue was attached to the altar and day of S. Vitus; attendance at Church, dancing at his altar, relieved those who were afflicted with what was then called from the circumstances, "S. Vitus' Dance;" even so late as 1623 Horst relates that he saw women who annually performed a pilgrimage to S. Vitus's Chapel at Drefelhausen, Weissenstein, in the territory of the Ulm, that they might wait for the dancing fit there. They were not satisfied with a dance of a few hours' duration, but continued day and night in a state of mental aberration, like persons in an ecstasy, until they fell exhausted to the ground: one of these had visited the shrine regularly for more than twenty years; another had kept the saint's day for the thirty-second time, to relieve her oppression by dancing. |