We may now understand why Napoleon was so anxious to become the great pacificator in the struggle between North and South. That ill-favored apparition of a friendly mediation, which stalked upon the stage at regular intervals, as if to intimidate us into compliance, was part of the Mexican drama. It need not excite surprise that the Emperor tendered his first services just after he had given belligerent rights to the Southern malecontents; that, while pouring ruin and desolation into Mexico, he deplored most deeply our devastating strife; that just after Forey's troops had set sail he proposed another triple alliance, for bringing about an armistice of six months between "the Federal government and the Confederates of the South"; that, failing in this, he unbosomed himself of his sentiments to the Cabinet at Washington, and entreated that commissioners should be appointed from the contending sections to ascertain whether separation was an extreme which could be no longer avoided;* that after his persistent officiousness had been rebuked by Congress in resolutions declaring that foreign mediation was unreasonable and inadmissible, and that any further attempt in that direction would be regarded as an unfriendly act, he informed the leaders of the Secession cause in Parliament of his readiness to recognize the South if Great Britain would take the first step. So far as related to European arbitrament in our disturbances, President Lincoln was steadfast and immovable; he was not to be duped by honeyed words or soft explanations; and although the timorous, as well as the treacherous, had sometimes the folly to suggest mediation as the panacea of the national ills, he was not so foolish as to take the medicine.

After numerous delays General Forey effected the capture of Puebla in May, 1863, and immediately ordered the wholesale confiscation of the estates of such of its inhabitants as still resisted. This cruel and impolitic measure was disapproved

for a considerable time; so that our government was often groping in the dark as to the mysterious designs of the Emperor.

* "The sentiment to which we have yielded is too sincere for indifference to find a place in our thoughts, and that we should cease to be painfully affected whilst the war continues to rage." See M. Drouyn de Lhuys's letter to M. Mercier, Jan. 9, 1863.

by the French government, but was only partially revoked. The Church party, which had favored the invading army, now gave in their allegiance. Juarez and his Cabinet fled from the capital, and on the 10th of June the tri-colored flag waved over its deserted halls. Another decree of confiscation followed. Six days afterwards General Forey organized the provisional government of Mexico. This consisted of a junta of thirtyfive, named by him, who, with two hundred and fifteen others chosen by themselves, constituted an Assembly of Notables, for the purpose of indicating the will of the people. The executive authority was committed to a council of three, with Almonte at the head. As the work for the Assembly was already laid out, it took them but one day to adopt unanimously the resolve which abolished the commonwealth and substituted a monarchical form of government; and, not to leave any doubt of their allegiance to the French rule, they offered the imperial crown to the Archduke Maximilian of Austria, and, in case of his refusal, to such other Catholic prince as his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon might indicate. So badly played was this farce, however, that, in order to save appearances, before his acceptance of the crown the Archduke requested that this election should be ratified by the suffrage of the Mexican people. The ratification was effected at the point of the bayonet; and the formalities were at length complete. No one could manage such matters better than the Emperor of the French; for in his own interest he had managed a similar experiment of popular suffrage.*

After sundry impediments had been removed, the Archduke Maximilian, on the 10th day of April, 1864, formally accepted the sway of the new empire. The Mexican deputation were received at his palace of Miramar, and laid their symbol of fidelity at his feet. Amidst the shouts of an Austrian populace and the roar of Austrian artillery Maximilian was proclaimed Emperor of Mexico, and a solemn Te Deum was sung in the cathedral at Trieste. Nor was the Papal benediction wanting; though this had not sufficed to keep the fabric of Jefferson Davis from tottering towards its destruction. A convention

* Mexican Affairs, 1865, pp. 251, 373.

between Napoleon and Maximilian, now entered into, provided that the French troops should remain in Mexico until native forces could be organized to supply their place; that in the mean time the French commander should have equal authority with the Emperor in determining all movements and points of occupation; that the expenses of the French invasion, fixed at the sum of two hundred and seventy million francs, and all future expenses of a standing army, should be assumed by the. new empire; and that the French indemnities, for which the war was originally undertaken, should likewise be paid. Under such auspices, oppressed with this millstone of obligations, Maximilian took his departure for his new dominions, having renounced all right to the throne of Austria so long as the Mexican dynasty should endure; and for him remained the discouraging task of planting a throne where he had found only a crown.*

In the last chapter of the Mexican struggle, fact and rumor are strangely blended. Direct negotiations between the Emperor Napoleon and leading Southern Confederates for the disintegration of the Federal Union, a proposed cession of Texas and Louisiana to France, the formation of imperial states on the Western frontier to seduce California and New Mexico from loyalty, these are among the floating reports of the last two years. A most palpable fact, however, is the late attempt of Maximilian to introduce a system of peonage within his borders, similar to the slavery which we have lately overthrown, and thus to open an asylum for our discontented fellow-citizens, where they may live in peace by the sweat of other men's brows. The policy of the United States since the Rebellion has also been more sharply defined. Napoleon is now informed that the new government is not likely to be recognized as the ruling power de facto of Mexico under any circumstances, and that it is time for him to withdraw his troops and abandon his foolish experiment to its fate.

We do not desire war with France or any other nation. We seek not the annexation of Mexico, with its ignorant population and quarrelsome factions. We are not advocates of that mis

* Diplomatic Correspondence, 1864, Vol. III. pp. 67, 74.

interpretation of the Monroe doctrine which compels the United States to fight the battles of other nations. At the same time we cannot but feel how important it is to the interest and welfare of America to perpetuate democratic institutions on this continent, and to maintain a community of republics, united in principle and feeling. The advantages, not so apparent to this generation, are for the millions yet unborn. This at least is certain, monarchy and democracy cannot grow up and flourish side by side. One or the other must finally yield. Napoleon's mission may be that of a civilization which centralizes power by making one man the vicegerent of God on earth, while consigning the mass of humanity to a hopeless vassalage; ours is the higher mission of peace and good-will to all mankind, a civilization which seeks to raise the poor and downtrodden, and to secure to all the greatest share of liberty consistent with public safety. To us is committed the ark of a chartered freedom; and unless we are cheated by delusive hopes or yield to cowardly fears, the Man of Destiny must withdraw to his legitimate field, and sooner or later "this imperial exotic, planted by foreign care and propped by foreign bayonets," must vanish like chaff before the whirlwind.

Little remains to be said of our foreign relations during the war. Spain generally sided with England and France, sharing the responsibility of their schemes, although possibly not the confidence of the schemers. Switzerland and Italy sympathized with us, but their influence was not sensibly felt. The European states generally echoed the sentiments of the two leading sovereigns, but more feebly as our cause gained strength. Russia alone of the great powers heartily supported us throughout the bitter strife, and our relations were of the most cordial nature. An inter-oceanic telegraph, which has already been commenced on the Pacific side, will doubtless knit us yet closer in bonds of sympathy. China and Japan have also favored the United States. The former forbade Rebel cruisers to enter her ports or receive supplies, and both of them have lately extended commercial facilities to our merchants. Among the most important treaties negotiated by President Lincoln and ratified by the Senate are the treaties with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave-trade, and

for the settlement of certain claims of the Hudson's Bay and Puget Sound Agricultural Companies; with Mexico, for extradition of criminals, and postal facilities; with Bolivia concerning navigation; with Liberia to secure commercial privileges; with the Ottoman Empire, for facilities in trade; with Ecuador, for the mutual adjustment of claims; with Peru, for the settlement of claims; with Belgium, for the extinguishment of. the Scheldt dues, and commercial facilities; besides numerous treaties with the Indian tribes. Congress by joint resolution has also given notice of the termination of the reciprocity treaty with Great Britain regulating the naval force on the Great Lakes, by reason of the hostile expeditions prepared on the Canada frontiers.

Secretary Seward's services as a diplomatist deserve more than a passing notice. To his admirable skill, foresight, and good judgment the country owes its deliverance from perils and embarrassments such as it never before encountered. His fairness and good temper have been more than a match for the plausible insincerity of Thouvenel and Drouyn de Lhuys, and the haughty arrogance of Earl Russell. If he is prone to indulge in philosophical dissertation, yet the philosophy is sound; if his style is sometimes that of the schoolmaster, it must be remembered that he had pupils who required constant drilling in the rudiments of American constitutional law and free institutions. Some of his despatches, especially that relating to the Trent case, have a world-wide renown, and there are sentences scattered through his published volumes which deserve to live forever. Above all, his correspondence is pervaded with an enlarged and enlightened spirit of Christianity free from cant or bigotry, a genuine love of country, and a just comprehension of those principles of international law which shape and direct American policy as distinguished from the European system. He brought to his work the leading qualities. requisite for a successful diplomatist; not the least of which is self-control. We should not forget the circumstances under which he accepted his present situation; those long services as the pilot of reform which placed him at the head of his party, and made him its most prominent candidate for the Presidency; the calmness with which he bore his disappointment; the gen