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chy; no confusions ; no proscrip- were condemned upon evidence opentions; no tyramy in the sense den ly given and by due course of law. signed. The sequestrations, for- With respect to the general characfeitures, and punishments of all sorts ter of his government, it is evident which were inflicted by the conquer- that in the unsettled and revoluing party on their antagonists-went tionary state of things which follows on by due course of law; and the a civil war some critical cases will summary justice of courts martial arise to demand an occasional - viwas not resorted to in England: ex gour beyond the law”—such as the cept for the short term of the two Roman government allowed of in the wars, and the brief intermediate dictatorial power. But in general campaign of 1648, the country was Cromwell's

's government was limited in a very tranquil state. Nobody by law: and no reign in that cenwas punished without an open trial ; tury, prior to the revolution, furand all trials proceeded in the regu- nishes fewer instances of attempts to lar course, according to the ancient tamper with the laws-to overrule forms, and in the regular courts of them—to twist them to private injustice. And as to “ tyranny,” which terpretations-or to dispense with is meant chiefly of the acts of Crom- them. As to his major-generals of well's government, it should be re- counties, who figure in most histories membered that the Protectorate last- of England as so many Ali Pachas ed not a quarter of the period in that impaled a few prisoners every question (1640–1660); a fact which morning before breakfast—or rather is constantly forgotten even by very as so many ogres that ate up good eminent writers, who speak as though christian men, women and children Cromwell had drawn his sword in alive, they were disagreeable people January 1649-cut off the king's who were disliked much in the same head-instantly mounted his throne way as our commissioners of the in-and continued to play the tyrant come-tax were disliked in the mefor the whole remaining period of his mory of us all; and heartily they life (nearly ten years). Secondly, as would have laughed at the romantic to the kind of tyranny which Crom- and bloody masquerade in which well exercised, the misconception is they are made to figure in the Engludicrous : continental writers have lish histories. What then was the a notion, well justified by the lan tyranny” of Cromwell's governguage of English writers, that Crom- ment, which is confessedly complainwell was a ferocious savage who ed of even in those days? The word built his palace of human skulls and “ tyranny” was then applied not so desolated his country. Meantime, he much to the mode in which his power was simply a strong-minded-rough- was administered (except by the prebuilt Englishman, with a character judiced)-as to its origin. However thoroughly English, and exceedingly mercifully a man may reign,--yet, if good-natured. Gray valued himself he have no right to reign at all, we may upon his critical knowledge of Eng- in one sense call him a tyrant; his lish history : yet how thoughtlessly power not being justly derived, and does he express the abstract of Crom- resting upon an unlawful (i. e. a miwell's life in the line on the village litary) basis. As a usurper, and one Cromwell—“ Some Cromwell, guilt- who had diverted the current of a less of his country's blood !” How grand national movement to selfish was Cromwell guilty of his country's and personal objects, Cromwell was blood? What blood did he cause to and will be called a tyrant; but not be shed? A great deal was shed no in the more obvious sense of the doubt in the wars (though less, by word. Such are the misleading statethe way, than is imagined): but in ments which disfigure the History of those Cromwell was but a servant of England in its most important chapthe parliament: and no one will al- ter. They mislead by more than a lege that he had any hand in causing simple error of fact: those, which a single war. After he attained the I have noticed last, involve a moral sovereign power, no more domestic anachronism : for they convey images wars arose: and as to a few per- of cruelty and barbarism such as sons who were executed for plots and could not co-exist with the national conspiracies against his person, they civilization at that time ; and who.

soever has not corrected this false have not stained with the atrabilious picture by an acquaintance with the hue of their wounded remembrances : English literature of that age, must hardly a town in England, which necessarily image to himself a state stood a siege for the king or the of society as rude and uncultured as parliament, but has some printed methat which prevailed during the wars morial of its constancy and its sufof York and Lancaster-i. e. about ferings; and in nine cases out of ten two centuries earlier. But those, the editor is a clergyman of the estawith which I introduced this article, blished church, who has contrived to are still worse ; because they involve deepen “ the sorrow of the time" by an erroneous view of constitutional the harshness of his commentary. history, and a most comprehensive Surely it is high time that the wounds act of ingratitude: the great men of of the 17th century should close ; the Long Parliament paid a heavy that history should take a more comprice for their efforts to purchase for manding and philosophic station ; their descendants a barrier to irre- and that brotherly charity should sponsible power and security from now lead us to a saner view of conthe anarchy of undefined regal pre- stitutional politics; or a saner view rogative: in these efforts most of of politics to a more comprehensive them made shipwreck of their own charity. The other cause of this tranquillity and peace; that such sac falsification springs out of a selfishcrifices were made unavailingly (as ness which has less claim to any init must have seemed to themselves), dulgence

viz. the timidity with and that few of them lived to see the which the English Whigs of former “good old cause ” finally triumph- days and the party to whom they ant, does not cancel their claims upon succeeded, constantly shrank from our gratitude-but rather strengthen acknowledging any alliance with the them by the degree in which it ag- great men of the Long Parliament gravated the difficulty of bearing under the nervous horror of being such sacrifices with patience. But confounded with the regicides of whence come these falsifications of 1649. It was of such urgent imhistory? I believe, from two causes: portance to them, for any command first (as I have already said) from the bver the public support, that they erroneous tone impressed upon the should acquit themselves of any sennational history by the irritated spirit timent of Jurking toleration for regiof the clergy of the established cide, with which their enemies never church: to the religious zealotry of failed to load them, that no mode of those times-the church was the ob- abjuring it seemed sufficiently emjectof especial attack; and its members phatic to them: hence it was that were naturally exposed to heavy suf- Addison, with a view to the interest ferings: hence their successors are in- of his party, thought fit when in disposed to find any good in a cause Switzerfand, to offer a puny insult to which could lead to such a result. It the memory of General Ludlow: is their manifest right to sympathise hence it is that even in our own days, with their own order in that day; no writers have insulted Milton with and in such a case it is almost their so much bitterness and shameless duty to be incapable of an entire im- irreverence as the Whigs; though it partiality. Meantime they have car- is true that some few Whigs, more ried this much too far: the literature however in their literary than in of England must always be in a con- their political character, have stepped siderable proportion lodged in their forward in his vindication. At this hands; and the extensive means thus moment I recollect a passage in the placed at their disposal for inju- writings of a modern Whig bishop riously colouring that important part in which, for the sake of creating a of history they have used with no charge of falsehood against Milton, modesty or forbearance. There is the author has grossly mis-translated not a page of the national history even a passage in the Defensio pro Pop. in its local subdivisions wliich they Anglicano : and, if that bishop were

* Until after the year 1688, I do not remember ever to have found the term Whig applied except to the religious characteristics of that party: whatever reference it might have to their political distinctions was only secondary and by implication.

not dead, I would here take the commission for which no distinct liberty of rapping his knuckles-were fathers can be found? The learned it only for breaking Priscian's head. editor does not pretend that there is To return over to the clerical feud any positive evidence, or presumption against the Long Parliament,-it was even, for imputing to the Puritans a a passage in a very pleasing work dislike to the custom in question: of this day (Ecclesiastical Biography) but, because he thinks it a good cuswhich suggested to me the whole tom, his inference is that nobody of what I have now written. Its could have abolished it but the Pun learned editor, who is incapable of ritans. Now who does not see that, uncandid feelings except in what if this had been amongst the usages concerns the interests of his order, discountenanced by the Puritans, it has adopted the usual tone in regard would on that account have been the to the men of 1640 throughout his more pertinaciously maintained by otherwise valuable annotations: and their enemies in church and state? somewhere or other in the Life of Or, even if this usage were of a naHammond, according to my remem ture to be prohibited by authority, as brance) he has made a statement to the public use of the liturgy-organs this effect—That the custom preva- --surplices, &c., who does not see lent among children in that age of that with regard to that as well as to asking their parents' blessing was other Puritanical innovations there probably first brought into disuse by would have been a reflux of zeal at the Puritans. Is it possible to ima- the restoration of the king which gine a perversity of prejudice more

would have established them in more unreasonable? The unamiable side strength than ever ? But it is evident of the patriotic character in the se to the unprejudiced that the usage in venteenth century was unquestion- question gradually went out in subably its religious bigotry; which, mission to the altered spirit of the however, had its ground in a real fer- times. It was one feature of a gevour of religious feeling and a real neral system of manners, fitted by strength of religious principle some- its piety and simplicity for a pious what exceeding the ordinary stand- and simple age, and which therefore ard of the 19th cent y. But, how even the 17th century had already ever palliated, their bigotry is not to outgrown. It is not to be inferred be denied; it was often offensive that filial affection and reverence from its excess; and ludicrous in its have decayed amongst us, because direction. Many harmless customs, they no longer express themselves in many ceremonies and rituals that had the same way. In an age of impera high positive value, their frantic in- fect culture, all passions and emotolerance quarreled with: and for tions are in a more elementary state my part I heartily join in the sen —" speak a plainer language"--and timent of Charles II.-applying it as express themselves externally: in such he did, but a good deal more exten an age the frame and constitution of sively, that their religion “ was not society is more picturesque; the a religion for a gentleman:” indeed modes of life rest more undisguisedly all sectarianism, but especially that upon the basis of the absolute and which has a modern origin—arising original relation of thmgs: the son is and growing up within our own me- considered in his sonship, the father mories, unsupported by a grand tra- in his fatherhood: and the manners ditional history of persecutions— take an appropriate coloring. Up to conflicts—and martyrdoms, lurking the middle of the 17th century there moreover in blind alleys, holes, cor were many families in which the ners, and tabernacles, must appear children never presumed to sit down spurious and mean in the eyes of in their parents' presence. But with him who has been bred up in the us, in an age of more complete intelgrand classic forms of the Church of lectual culture, a thick disguise is England or the Church of Rome. spread over the naked foundations of But, because the bigotry of the Pu- human life; and the instincts of good ritans was excessive and revolting, is taste banish from good company the that a reason for fastening upon them expression of all the profounder emo ah the stray evils of omission or tions. A son therefore, who should

kneel down in this age to ask his nerous origin: but it is right to point papa's blessing on leaving town for the attention of historical students to Brighton or Bath-would be felt by their strength and the effect which himself to be making a theatrical dis- they have had. They have been inplay of filial duty, such as would be dulged to excess; they have disfipainful to him in proportion as his gured the grandest page in English feelings were sincere. All this would history; they have hid the true dehave been evident to the learned edi- scent and tradition of our constitutor in any case but one which re tional history; and, by impressing garded the Puritans: they were at upon the literature of the country a any rate to be molested : in default false conception of the patriotic party of any graver matter, a mere fanciful in and out of Parliament, they have grievance is searched out. Still, how. stood in the way of a great work, a ever, nothing was effected; fanciful work which, according to my ideal of

real, the grievance must be con- it, would be the most useful that nected with the Puritans: here lies could just now be dedicated to the the offence, there lie the Puritans: it English public-viz. a philosophie rewould be very agreeable to find some cord of the revolutions of English Hismeans of connecting the one with the tory. The English Constitution, as other: but how shall this be done? proclaimed and ratified in 1688-9, is Why, in default of all other means in it's kind, the noblest work of the the learned editor assumes the con- human mind working in conjunction nexion. He leaves the reader with with Time, and what in such a case an impression that the Puritans are we may allowably call Providence. chargeable with a serious wound to Of this chef d'æuvre of human wisthe manners of the nation in a point dom it were desirable that we should affecting the most awful of the have a proportionable history: for household charities : and he fails to such a history the great positive quaperceive that for this whole charge lification would be a philosophic his sole ground is--that it would be mind: the great negative qualificavery agreeable to him if he had a tion would be this [which to the es. ground.--Such is the power of the tablished clergy may now be recomesprit de corps to palliate and recom- mended as a fit subject for their mend as colorable the very weakest magnanimity]; viz. complete conlogic to a man of acknowledged quest over those prejudices which learning and talent !In conclu- have hitherto discolored the greatest sion I must again disclaim any want æra of patriotic virtue by contemof veneration and entire affection for plating the great men of that æra unthe Established Church : the very der their least happy aspect-nameprejudices and injustice, with which ly, in relation to the Established I tax the English clergy, have a ge- Church.


Now that I am on the subject of [viz. the authority of an eminent English History, I will notice one person contemporary with the fact] of the thousand mis-statements of it must be looked on as involving a Hume’s which becomes a memora- peremptory defiance to all succeed. ble one from the stress which he ing critics who might hesitate behas laid upon it, and from the man tween the authority of Mr. Hume at ner and situation in which he has the distance of a century from the introduced it. Standing in the cur- facts and Sir William Temple speakrent of a narrative, it would have ing to them as a matter within his merited a silent correction in an un- personal recollections. -Sir Wilpretending note: but it occupies a liam Temple had represented himself much more assuming station ; for it as urging in a conversation with is introduced in a philosophical essay; Charles the II, the hopelessness of and being relied on for a particular any attempt on the part of an Enpurpose with the most unqualified glish king to make himself a despotic confidence, and being alleged in op- and absolute monarch, except inposition to the very highest authority deed through the affections of his

people.* This general thesis he had garrison—of the forces left by Monk supported by a variety of arguments; in the North and above all of the and, amongst the rest, he had describe entire army in Ireland,—it cannot be ed himself as urging this—that even doubted that the whole would Cromwell had been unable to esta- amount to the number stated by Sir blish himself in unlimited power, William Temple.Indeed Charles though supported by a military force II. himself, in the year 1678 [i.e. of eighty thousand men. Upon this about four years after this conversaHume calls the reader's attention to tion] as Sir W. Temple elsewhere the extreme improbability which tells us, “in six weeks' time raised there must beforehand appear to be an army of twenty thousand men, in supposing that Sir W. Temple -- the compleatest-and in all appearspeaking of so recent a case, with so ance the bravest troops that could be much official knowledge of that case any where seen, and might have at his command, uncontradicted raised many more ; and it was conmoreover by the king whose side in fest by all the Foreign Ministers that the argument gave him an interest in no king in Christendom could have contradicting Sir William's state- made and compleated such a levy as ment, and whose means of informa- this appeared in such a time.” Wiltion were paramount to those of all liam III. again, about eleven years others,-could under these circum- afterwards, raised 23 regiments with stances be mistaken. Doubtless, the the same ease and in the same space reader will reply to Mr. Hume, the of six weeks. It may be objected inimprobability is extreme, and scarce- deed to such cases, as in fact it was ly to be invalidated by any possible objected to the case of William III. authority-which, at best, must ter- by Howlett in his sensible Examinaminate in leaving an equilibrium of tion of Dr. Price's Essay on the Poopposing evidence. And yet, says pulation of England, that, in an age Mr. Hume, Sir William was unques- when manufactures were so little extionably wrong, and grossly wrong: tended, it could never have been difCromwell never had an army at all cult to make such a levy of menapproaching to the number of eighty provided there were funds for paying thousand. Now here is a sufficient and equipping them. But, considerproof that Hume had never read lord ing the extraordinary funds which Clarendon's account of his own life: were disposable for this purpose in this book is not so common as his Ireland, '&c. during the period of “ History of the Rebellion"; and Cromwell's Protectorate, we may very Hume had either not met with it, or safely allow the combined authority had neglected it. For, in the early of Sir William Temple-of the king part of this work, lord Clarendon, and of that very prime minister speaking of the army which was as who disbanded Cromwell's army to sembled on Blackheath to welcome outweigh the single authority of the return of Charles II., says that Hume at the distance of a century it amounted to fifty thousand men: from the facts. Upon any question of and, when it is remembered that this fact, indeed, Hume's authority is army was exclusive of the troops in none at all.

X. Y. Z. * Sir William had quoted to Charles a saying from Gourville (a Frenchman whom the king esteemed, and whom Sir William himself considered the only foreigner he had ever known that understood England) to this effect: “ That a king of England, who will be the man of his people, is the greatest king in the world; but, if he will be something more, by G- he is nothing at all."

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THE PARISIAN ARISTOCRACY. In noticing in our last number the society is very curiously composed new work of M. Benjamin Constant, and as its constitution is not very geand in describing the circumstances nerally known in England, and as it out of which it arose, and the pur- is an odd state of things arising from poses which it was intended to an the remarkable changes that have of swer, we had occasion to speak of late taken place in the neighbouring Lu Haute Société de France. This country--it may be worth while to

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