tured to breathe at the commencement spared had not Moscow been burnt; of the war ;-an appeal was made to the last coalition could not have been popular support in a manner which victorious had not the first been dewould at first have been deemed an stroyed. entire abandonment of the objects for which it was undertaken. In an unhappy hour, the French generals ridiculed the Prussian militia, and, for getting the source from which their own exaltation had proceeded, applied the same epithets to them with which the Allied Generals had branded the armies that first fought for the liberties of France. They have lived to feel the bitterness of revenge, and to owe the preservation of their metropolis to the mercy of that power whose popular armies, in the pride of military power, they had ventured to de ride. Nor was the Grand Alliance less distinguished from all those which had preceded it, by the unanimity which now prevailed alike between the sovereigns and their armies. The troops who fought in the cause of Europe were no longer regular armies paid by English gold, and lukewarm in the service in which they were engaged. The sovereigns who headed them were no longer unbending potentates, rigidly adhering to ancient rule, cautiously repressing every effusion of a free spirit, and still swayed, even in the common cause, by their ancient and hereditary jealousies. The suffering of Europe had roused the people; the humiliations to which they had been subjected, had smothered the jealousies of their sovereigns; but one feeling pervaded all ranks, the desire of vengeance against the common enemy. In such circumstances, a coalition is, indeed, the most formidable power which can be raised; it unites the numerical strength and physical resources of many states to the union and energy which belongs to one; and, while supported by an ebullition of popular feeling, and held together by the pressure of common danger, it is, indeed, irresistible. But it is just because the first coalitions had, and could have none of these advantages, that they were necessarily exposed to overthrow; it is just because nothing short of the calamities which have befallen Europe THROUGH THEIR FALL, COULD PRODUCE A REAL COALITION, that the arraying them with a view to hostile attack on France was at first impolitic. Paris would not have been Let us then admire the wisdom of Nature, which is able to extract out of the magnitude of the calamities by which mankind are oppressed, the means of relieving them; but let us not confound the original system of coalitions with the means by which the disasters which they occasioned were repaired, or imagine, that we have subjected the body to a wholesome regimen, because, after years of suffering, the Vis Medicatrix Naturæ has succeeded in throwing out the foul disease which our noxious remedy had produced. Nor are we to be told that the system of coalitions was victorious in Spain, and that, by the assistance which we rendered to that power, we both essentially aided the common cause, and demonstrated the wisdom of the principles by which our conduet had been regulated. Far be it from us to depreciate the merit of our gallant army, or detract from the well earned fame of its illustrious chief: it is just from the magnitude of their successes that we draw the last and most convincing argument against the system of coalitions which was at first pursued. Wherever England acted in a coalition, her armies, notwithstanding their unequalled valour, were unsuccessful. We have seen both the Russians and the English singly defeat the French, yet their forces, when united at the Helder, were entirely baffled, and the expedition failed, more by the jealousy which subsisted betwixt them, than the ability with which they were opposed. We have seen the might of England singly sus tain, as at Cressy or Agincourt, the whole military power of France on the field of Waterloo; but the same country had witnessed the retreat of a far greater body of allies, including all the disposable force of England, before a much more contemptible enemy, at the commencement of the war. The eyes of the country have followed with exultation and pride the splendid series of successes with which the English arms have been crowned in the peninsular war: but it is not to be forgotten that it was in alliance with the Portuguese troops, who were subjected to the rule of England as much as a province of her empire, and consequently shared with her the unity and vigour of a single state, that these successes were gained, and that when the English attempted to act with the Spaniards on the footing of equality which belongs to coalesced powers, they were uniformly unsuccessful. The devoted gallantry of their troops at Talavera could not save the province of Estremadura from the French arms, because Cuesta refused to co-operate with their movements: the brilliant action of Barossa was rendered fruitless by the disgraceful jealousy of La Pena with the Spanish troops: the splendid armament of Sir J. Moore was driven to retreat from the impossibility of combining measures with the Spanish forces: and when the army of Lord Wellington advanced even to the frontiers of France, they were obliged to trust entirely to their own resources, and leave nothing of importance to the Spanish troops. The triumphs in the Peninsula therefore equally, as the reverses which were then experienced, demonstrate the force of popular energy, and the miserable policy of substituting in its place, the forced powers of coalesced governments and by showing that it was only when England became a principal in the war, and trusting to no assistance, boldly developed her whole resources, that she became permanently successful, indicate in the clearest manner the impolicy of the principles on which the war was at first conducted. It is perfectly true, in like manner, that the war in Spain was essentially relieved by the efforts of Austria in, 1809, of Russia in 1812, and of the Grand Alliance in 1813 and 1814. No one ever dreamed of disputing, that, where two different powers, each trusting to its own resources, and developing its whole powers, are simultaneously at war with the same enemy, they mutually confer a most enormous advantage on each other. If it was possible to animate a coalition with the spirit and the unanimity which pervades a single country when attacked, it would be the most effectual method of succeeding in a contest that could be devised. It is just because you cannot do this without the common suffering which held together the alliance of 1813 that they are so obviously exposed to division and overthrow. The English, with their temporary subjects the Portuguese, developed their whole resources in 1812, in the Peninsular war; and the Russians did the same in the struggle for national existence. Each fought as if on their single arm the fate of both depended. Both were, in cousequence, successful; but it is not to be forgotten that they were victorious just because they acted on principles adverse to those of a coalition, and, taught by the disasters of former times, looked to the individual energy of their own people for the only means of success in the contest. The overthrow of the earlier coalitions, therefore, equally as the triumph of the Grand Alliance,—the minutest details of the war, equally as its general result in every period of its progress,-combine in demonstrating the triumph of the principles of civil liberty-France vanquished when she was contending for her freedom, and the other nations of Europe vanquished when she became the oppressor of the world. They were at first vanquished because they were striving to subdue an independent state, and because they trusted nothing to the energy of their own people; they at last became victorious because they, in their turn, were fighting the cause of freedom, and because they invoked the aid which she alone can afford. When the divisions of party, therefore, are forgotten, and the world has time calmly to contemplate the eventful period, the moral lesson with which every page of it is fraught will be found to be the TRIUMPH OF THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM; and to its annals, more even than to the glowing page of Roman virtue, will the eye of the patriot in future times be turned, as affording the bright example of unconquerable valour, and the animating prospect of successful liberty. We have been led to these observations by the interest which the erection of the NATIONAL MONUMENT is now exciting, and the little share which the leaders of the opposition have hitherto taken in promoting its success. Such a backwardness, we cannot help considering, as injurious to the real interest of that enlightened body of men, as it is clearly contrary to their principles. Of all the means by which the influence of this enlightened and im portant body of men have been weakened, by far the most efficacious that has ever been adopted, is the representing them as insensible to the na-tional glory, and as secretly attached to the fortunes of France, by which they hoped that the overthrow of their political adversaries would be effected. To some among them, the charge was perhaps justly applicable; but there cannot be the slightest doubt, that, to the great majority, and to all the respectable part of that body, it was a vile and unfounded aspersion. The real English Whig rejoices in the success and glory of his country, not less seriously than the most determined ministerial adherent: he rejoices in it, not only because it is the glory of his own country, but of a country in which Freedom has found her last and favoured abode. More especially, in the struggle between Britain and imperial France, he is led on his principles to take the most lively interest: because that was the greatest struggle which the world has ever had between freedom and slavery ;-between the life and death of every thing dear to the human species. The same principles which lead him to sympathize with the fortunes of Athens and Rome,-to dwell on the exploits of Tell and Koschiusko, and to glory in the names of Hampden and Sidney:-the same principles which led him, perhaps, to hope for the success of the French arms when they stemmed at Fleurus the tide of despotic invasion, should lead him to rejoice in the overthrow of the same power when it in its turn became the tyrant of the world. And this is the view accordingly entertained by all the wise and good men of that political persuasion. But though this may, in reality, be their sentiments, these are not the feelings for which the nation in general gives them credit, or which their political adversaries labour to convince the world they really possess. By them they are represented as chagrined at the victories and triumphs of their country;-as secretly repining at the successes by which the ministry for the day acquired popularity; -as forgetting, in the envy and factions of the moment, both their own principles and the glory and the fortunes of their native land. It is the belief that these are their real sentiments which makes them still distrusted by the great body of the English people; and this belief will continue to clog their efforts and blast their most patriotic measures, till the events of the war are in some measure forgotten, or till the public are convinced that their former estimate of their sentiments was ill founded. Now then is the moment for the leaders of the opposition in this country to regain, in some measure, the ground they have lost, and confound the malicious aspersions of their adversaries by taking the lead in the measures intended to perpetuate the glory of their country. Now is the time, more especially for those eminent individuals at the Scottish bar, whose opinions possess so deserved a weight in all political discussions, and whose taste has rendered them, in some measure, the arbiters of the public feelings on such topics, to come forward and prove, by the lead which they take in this undertaking, both the interest which they take in the progress of art, and the utter falsehood of the apostacy from their country of which they have been accused. They cannot conceive the addition which it would make to the respectability of their characters, and to the weight of the arguments which they may hereafter be called on to urge in the great cause of national freedom. And we cannot avoid indulging a hope, that it is from accidental circumstances, more than from any common feeling, that none of these individuals have yet appeared as subscribers even to this great national undertaking; an undertaking destined to commemorate the triumph of freedom over despotic power. Let us hope that this stain will not long_continue attached to those whom Providence has gifted with such splendid talents, and, in the general case, with such upright feeling; but that they will hasten to demonstrate, that the divisions of party in Scotland, as well as England, has no influence on the love which all feel for their common country; and that, unlike the other nations of the world, the political divisions of this island serve only to develope the ta lents to which it has given birth, and call forth the virtues by which its fortunes are to be maintained. [Nov. 408 Serjeant Campbell's Interview with the Emperor of Russia. SERJEANT CAMPBELL'S STATEMENT army,-how many actions I was in,— OF HIS INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA AT PARIS IN 1815. [THE following little scene of Imperial curiosity may be amusing to our readers. It reminds us somewhat of the ordeal through which Gulliver is described as having passed in the presence of their majesties of Brobdignag or Lilliput. There can be no doubt as to the authenticity of the narrative, which was drawn up by Serjeant Campbell, at the request of an officer of his regiment.] IN the month of August 1815, I was ordered to proceed with Piper John Fraser and Piper Kenneth Mackay, to the Palais D'Eliseé in Paris, then the residence of the Emperor of Russia, when we were joined by Serjeant Macgrigor, Private Munro, and Piper Mackenzie of the 42d regiment; Serjeant Grant, Piper Logan, and Piper Cameron of the 92d regiment. About half an hour after our arrival at the Palace, Lord Cathcart sent a valet to conduct us to the grand hall, where we met his Lordship, whom I immediately recognized; he was pleased to order me to take charge of the party, while he went to the Emperor to acquaint him of our arrival, and in about ten minutes after the Emperor entered the hall, accompanied by his two brothers, Prince Blucher, Count Platoff, and several other distinguished personages. The Emperor had a very minute inspection of us, and his curiosity led him to point upon me (as being the most robust of those that accompanied me) to step to the front, and ordered the rest to sit down. As soon as I stept to the front, I was surrounded by the astonished nobility, and the Emperor commenced his inspection and questions, viz. 1. Examined my appointments, drew my sword,inquired if I could perform any exercise of that weapon, which I told him I could not; and, at the same time, Lord Cathcart made a remark that it was a deficiency in the British army that he never took into consideration before. 2. Examined my hose, garters, legs, and pinched my skin, thinking I wore something under my kilt, and had the curiosity of lifting my kilt up, so that he might not be deceived. The questions were,How long I was in the if I was present at the actions of the 16th, 17th, and 18th,-how many officers and men the regiment lost on the 16th, 17th, and 18th June,-whether I was in Egypt,-if we wore the kilt in winter, or if I did not feel cold in that season,-if I was married,—if my parents were alive, &c. The Emperor then ordered Lord Cathcart to make me put John Fraser through the manual and platoon exercise, at which performance he was highly pleased. He then ordered the pipers to play up, and Lord Cathcart desired them to play the Highland tune called Cogue na Shu, war or peace, which he explained to the Emperor, who seemed highly delighted with the music. After the Emperor was done with me, the veteran, Count Platoff, came up to me, and took me by the hand, and told me in broken English, that I was a good and brave soldier, as all my countrymen were. He then pressed my hand to his breast, and gave me his to press to mine. After all was over, I was ordered to take the party to Lord Cathcart's quarters, where we had a refreshment, and received a piece of money each from his Lordship, and also his approbation for our appearance, &c. TH. CAMPBELL, Serjt. 79th Regt. Camp near Blandfur, 3d July 1818. ON THE VICTORY AT WATERLOO. (Written in June 1816.) LAMENT the young, lament the brave, Wrapt to their rest in Honour's grave, In Belgium's bloody fields that lie, Beneath the wings of Victory. For them let Memory prolong What sacred to their Names should be The Poet's high heroic song, The notes of Fame and Victory. See ye, from Albion's Isle, alone, The favour'd land of Liberty, Where she has fix'd her sea-girt throne, And spreads the sails of Victory,How o'er the world her gifts have sped? Her Heroes have set Europe free, And millions bless the Chiefs who led To deathless Fame and Victory. A. H. JOURNAL OF A VISIT TO HOLLAND. (Continued from p. 317.) DEAR J IN the course of Rotterdam, the day I had the 4th August 1817. pleasure of bort walk into the country by the southern gate of the city. Our party was accompanied by one of our friends, a clergyman of the Scotch church, and though we did not succeed in seeing the manufacture of plate glass, which was our object, yet the walk was highly interesting. It was just at the close of a market in Rotterdam, when the peasantry, or boors, as they are called, were returning to the country, after completing their city business for the day. These people have a dress rather peculiar to themselves, consisting of dark grey coloured cloth made into a short jacket, vest and breeches of a somewhat singular cut. They have generally large silver buckles in their shoes and at their knees, a clasp at their middle, and not unfrequently a complete set of buttons of the same precious metal. The men have commonly a large round full brimmed hat. The women's hat is of straw, lined with calico, measuring fully two feet in diameter, answering all the purposes of an umbrella, and it seems to be more for use than ornament. The farming peasantry are not found trudging on foot, or sauntering after a cart on the high road under a broiling sun. They either drive in a small neat gig, which is usually painted in a tasteful manner with flowers or figures, generally in a dancing attitude, or if the articles they carry to market are bulky, such as potatoes, milk contained in large brazen jars, vegetables, grain, or the like, they have in these cases a cart or waggon of a very light construction, drawn by one or two horses. This cart also is neatly painted with a group of figures upon its back-board. But what is particularly worthy of remark in regard to the customs of the Dutch, compared with those of the English, is the speed with which those vehicles are driven along their smooth and perfectly level roads. The elegant gait or carriage of their fine black horses is also not a little remarkable in the eyes of an Englishman, who proverbially speaks of the slow and lazy de VOL. V. meanour of the Dutch in all their operations. This, however, is by no means universally applicable to the general character of this nation, and certainly is not at all answerable to the manner in which the horses of Holland are worked, for if you see the Dutch peasant going to market, or even to the field with manure, he is generally at a round trot, and when seated in his voiture, he drives at full speed, and manages the impediments upon the road with much spirit and adroitness. This walk also afforded an opportunity of examining one of the numerous flour mills, which, in this neighbourhood, are worked by the force of wind; but these machines it is hardly necessary to describe, as they contain nothing new, but even come far short of those which we every where meet with in England. We also visited one of the windmills used for pumping and draining the water from the almost endless flats of this country. The water-mill is hardly at all known in England, with the exception, perhaps, of the fens of Lincolnshire. We found it here to be a very simple apparatus. The upright shaft is turned by the vanes or sails, which give motion to a wheel and pinion used for turning an Archimedes screw pump, which delivers the water at the height of four or five feet into an open drain or ditch leading from the field into which the pump works, and by it the drainage water is conducted into the Meuse. These pumps are said to lift several hundred tons of water in the course of a few hours; and but for their operation during wet weather, when all the rivers are in speat, and that often in connection with the waters of the ocean during a storm, when the natural drains of the country are stopt, the whole territory of Holland would be laid under water. For this system of pumping, the simple mention of this state of things will at once lead you to conceive the immense number of these engines which must be required throughout the whole extent of this flat country. The pumping of water in Holland has indeed become a trade, which I understand is conducted somewhat on the principle of the multure for corn mills. A person, with the consent of a few conterminous proprietors or tenants, agrees to drain the lands for a certain 3 F |