Section 3. Be it further enacted, That the military commanders in each of said states shall assist in preserving the peace and enforcing the laws, and especially in suppressing unlawful obstructions and forcible resistance to the exercise of the laws. Section 4. Be it further enacted, That on the fourth Wednesday after the passage of this act, the state convention of Mississippi and Virginia shall reassemble, and the said convention of Mississippi shall proceed to frame a constitution of government, and submit the same to the people, under and in pursuance of the provisions of the said act of congress and of this act. Section 5. Be it further enacted, That if in any of said states any person shall during the year 1868, vote for any candidate for elector of President of the United States, or shall act as an officer at any election for such candidates, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of high misdemeanor, and shall be liable to indictment and on conviction thereof in any court of competent jurisdiction be fined not more than one thousand dollars and be imprisoned not less than one month nor more than a year. Section 6. Be it further enacted, That it shall be the duty of the President of the United States to prohibit any person from voting or acting as an officer of any election contrary to the provisions of this act and for that purpose he shall employ the power of the army and the navy of the United States so far as may be necessary. Section 7. Be it further enacted, That all acts or parts of acts, so far as the same may be in conflict with the provisions of this act are hereby repealed. It is difficult to believe that this monstrous measure could have passed the representative body of congress. It is easy to understand why that body's approval of such diabolic malignancy escaped mention in Blaine's apologies for reconstruction. Placing these states, and especially Mississippi, under the government of the rapacious and vindictive conventions with "powers to maintain and organize a constabulary" was an act of atrocity and hate that in its contemplation parallels the worst of Russian and Turkish tyranny toward their conquered provinces. In comparison with the rapine and murder for which the ruffian led negro constabulary was designed, the ruthless raids of the Cossacks and Bashi Bazouks would have been mild, It was such a measure that passed the house by a solid radical vote, save one, Jehu Baker, of Illinois. He had a brother who with his family lived in a Mississippi black county. It reached the senate and was called up on the last day of the session. There it was tabled on motion of Senator Conkling, because he said, "it was useless for lack of time to try and pass it." The true reason was the pending election-it was not deemed advisable to force Mississippi into a race war at that time. There was no compunction because of its infamy, the bloodshed and rapine that would have been precipitated. Not one of the Radicals gave voice to any such sentiment. Dealing with the state was simply postponed to a timelier sea son. The passing of Thaddeus Stevens the scourge of the South, was another and powerful cause of the failure of the bill which designed the desolation of Mississippi. Broken with disease and the infirmities of age, that remarkable figure, the great Radical leader, was nearing his earthly end. From the overthrow of the Confederate armies, while others doubted and faltered amid the passions and perplexities that clouded counsel, he saw the reconstruction ends clearly and logically. He neither dissembled nor cloaked his purposes and plans. What others of his party shrank from as revolutionary and atrocious, he boldly faced and proceeded to the overthrow of all obstacles of constitution and law. He sought the destruction of the judiciary and executive, to make clear the way for a congressional despotism, to carry out to the full the reconstruction policy. His iron will, the lash of his bitter tongue, compelled party leadership, absolute and undisputed. He staked every thing of personal dominance and party power on the removal of the president as a stumbling block in the way of the subjugation of the Southern whites to negro rule. And when impeachment was baffled, his imprecations upon the Republican senators that balked, were awful. Nothing daunted, however, he framed another impeachment indictment. But high tide had been marked, and his vital force broke under the strain. Dur ing the trial of the president, the strength of his venomous voice so failed that his speech was delivered by Ben Butler. His breakdown at such a crisis seemed providential. It was a loss to radicalism that may have turned the scales. While Butler was his equal in ability, and as a hater of the South, he was despised and shunned as a dastard and a common plunderer of war and the most truculent of bullies in time of peace. His reputation was so universally odious that he prejudiced any cause in which he was enlisted. This was not true of Stevens. While not popular, he was feared and where he was not liked, respected. Toward the close of the session the "Lord HateGood" of the play grew feeble. A few days after the adjournment, he took to his bed, summoning two negro ministers to pray at his side, and on August 12th he breathed his last. His work was finished. As far as lay in human power, he had borne the fiery cross of revenge and hate. He had carried the cry of "woe to the vanquished" to the limit of sectional wrath. While the defeat of the reconstruction constitution staved off the carpet bag-negro yoke, the removal of Governor Humphreys and the succession of Adelbert Ames marked the end of Mississippi's three stirring and eventful years of provisional government; which is the subject matter of this contribution to state history. The way was cleared for the rule of the carpet bagger, negro and scalawag combination. In conclusion, and for completing vindication of the struggle of Mississippi against the infliction, and as a righteous verdict upon the iniquity, of negro suffrage, a confession is quoted from an article in the Atlantic Monthly of April, 1901, by ex-Gov. Chamberlain of South Carolina. He was a leading actor in the reconstruction drama and at the same time a man of candor, conscience and character; who was curiously, even tragically, caught in the political drift of an evil era. Out of the fullness of his heart, constrained by the gall and wormwood of memories of years wasted in trying to grow figs from thistles, he thus testified against Stevens, Sumner, Morton and other architects of a system that was only less vain and stupid, than wicked: "The vast preponderance of ignorance and incapacity in the Republican party of South Carolina, aside from downright dis honesty, made good government impossible. The real truth is, hard as it may be to accept it, the elements put in combination by the reconstruction scheme were irretrievably bad and could never result in government fit to be endured." MISSISSIPPI. (Song.) BY MRS. DUNBAR ROWLAND. There's a beautiful country, Where southern waters flow; Work with glad heart and will, Chorus: Mississippi, land of a true and loyal race, Where hope's heavenly light is seen on every face; Proud land whose story glows with deeds of heroes brave, Dear land that hateful tyrant never shall enslave. Land where blue skies are smiling On stream and flow'ry sod, From altars are ascending Sweet prayer and praise to God; Oh, fair and kindly country Where peace and plenty reign, |