to vigor, they would have received it from the king himself, who took the deepest personal interest in prosecutions of the press; and from men of rank and influence, who were oversensitive to every political danger.2

The government had soon to deal with a political organiJatholie zation more formidable than any which had hitherAssociation. to needed its vigilance, the Catholic Association in Ireland. The objects, constitution, and proceedings of this body demand especial notice, as exemplifying the bound within which political agitation may be lawfully practised To obtain the repeal of statutes imposing civil disabilities upon five sixths of the population of Ireland, was a legitimate object of association. It was no visionary scheme, tending to the subversion of the state: but a practical measure of relief, which had been urged upon the legislature by the first statesmen of the time. To attain this end, it was lawful to instruct and arouse the people, by speeches and tracts, and by appeals to their reason and feelings. It was also lawful to demonstrate to Parliament the unanimity and earnestness of the people in demanding a redress of grievances; and to influence its deliberations by the moral force of a great popular movement. With these objects, organization, in various forms, had been at work for many years. In 1809, a Catholic Committee had been formed in Dublin, of which Mr. O'Connell-destined to become a prominent figure in the history of his country was a leading member. Active

"As the

1 On January 9th, 1821, His Majesty wrote to Lord Eldon:courts of law will now be open within a few days, I am desirous to know the decision that has been taken by the attorney-general upon the mode in which all the vendors of treason, and libellers, such as Benbow, &c., &c., are to be prosecuted. This is a measure so vitally indispensable to my feelings, as well as to the country, that I must insist that no further loss of time should be suffered to elapse before proceedings be instituted."— Court and Cabinets of Geo. IV., i. 107.

2 Ibid., 121, &c.; Lord Colchester's Mem., iii. 87, &c.

8 The first association or committee was formed so far back as 1760.Wyse's Cath. Asso., i. 69; O' Conor's Hist. of the Irish Catholics, i. 262. Another committee was arranged in 1773.- Wyse, i. 91; and a more general committee or association in 1790. — Ibid., 104.

in the preparation of petitious, and holding weekly meetings, it endeavored, by discussion and association, to arouse the Catholics to a sense of their wrongs. In 1811, it endeav ored to enlarge its constitution by assembling managers of petitions from all parts of Ireland; but this project was arrested by the government, as a contravention of the Irish Convention Act, which prohibited the appointment of delegates or representatives. The movement now languished for several years; and it was not until 1823 that the Catholic Association was formed on a wider basis. It embraced Catholic nobles, gentry, priesthood, peasantry; and though disclaiming a delegated authority, its constitution and objects made it, in effect, the representative of the Catholic body. Exclusively Catholic, its organization embraced the whole of Ireland. Constantly increasing in numbers and influence, it at length assumed all the attributes of a national parliament. It held its "sessions" in Dublin, appointed committees, received petitions, directed a census of the population of Ireland to be taken; and, above all, levied contributions, in the form of a Catholic rent, upon every parish in Ireland. Its stirring addresses were read from the altars of all Catholic chapels. Its debates, abounding in appeals to the passions of the people, were published in every newspaper. speeches of such orators as O'Connell and Shiel could not fail to command attention; but additional publicity was secured to all the proceedings of the Association, by contributions from the Catholic rent.

*

The

In 1825, its power had become too great to be borne, if 1 Wyse, i. 142-165.

2 33 Geo. III. c. 29 (Ireland); see Debates, Feb. 22d, March 7th, and April 4th, 1811.- Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., xix. 1-18, 269-321, 700; Wyse, i.

174-178.

* A Catholic board was formed, but soon dissolved. — Wyse, i. 179. 4 Ibid., 199.

Ibid., 205.

• Hans. Deb., 2d Ser., xi. 944 (May 31st, 1824); Ibid., xii. 171, et seq. (Feb. 10-15); Wyse, i. 208-217. Mr. Wyse assigns a later date to this census, i. 247; Ibid., ii. App. xxxvii.

the authority of the state was to be upheld. Either the Parliament at Westminster, or its rival in Dublin, must give way. The one must grant the demands of the Catholics, or the other must be silenced. Ministers were not yet prepared for the former alternative; and determined to suppress the Catholic Association. This, however, was a measure of no ordinary difficulty. The association was not unlawful; and was engaged in forwarding a legitimate cause. It could not be directly put down, without a glaring violation of the right of discussion and association. Agitation was not to be treated as lawful, so long as it was impotent; and condemned when it was beginning to be assured of success. This embarrassment was avoided by embracing in the same measure, Orange Societies and other similar bodies, by which political and religious animosities were fomented.

Suppressed by Parlia ment, 1825. Feb. 10th, 1825.

The king, on opening Parliament, adverted to "associa tions which have adopted proceedings irreconcilable with the spirit of the constitution ;" and a bill was immediately brought in to amend the laws relating to unlawful societies in Ireland. This bill prohibited the permanent sittings of societies, — the appointment of committees beyond a certain time, – the levying of money for the redress of grievances, the affiliation and correspondence of societies, the exclusion of persons on the ground of religion, and the administration of oaths. It was strenuously resisted. Ministers were counselled to stay agitation by redressing grievances, rather than by vain attempts to prevent their free discussion. But so perilous was the state of Ireland, so fierce the hatred of her parties, and so full of warning her history, that a measure, otherwise open to grave constitutional objections, found justification in the declared necessity of insuring the public peace. Its operation, however, was limited to three years.

15 Geo. IV. c. 4.

2 Hans. Deb., 2d Ser, xii. 2-122, 128-522, &c.

The Catholic Association was dissolved in obedience to

another form.

this act; but was immediately replaced by a new But conassociation, constituted so as to evade the provis- tinued in ions of the recent law. This society professed to be established for promoting education and other charitable objects; and every week, a separate meeting was convened, purporting to be unconnected with the association. "Fourteen days' meetings" and aggregate meetings were lso held; and at all these assemblies the same violent language was used, and the same measures adopted, as in the time of the original society. While thus eluding the recent statute, this astute body was beyond the reach of the common law, being associated neither for the purpose of doing any unlawful act, nor of doing any lawful act in an unlawful manner. It was equally unscathed by the Convention Act of 1793, as not professing a representative character. In other respects the new association openly defied the law. Permanent committees were appointed, and the Catholic rent was collected by their own "church-wardens" in every parish.1 The government watched these proceedings with jealousy and alarm; but perceived no means of restraining them. ́ The act was about to expire at the end of the session of 1828; and, after very anxious consideration, ministers determined not to propose its renewal. It could not have been made effectual without such restraints upon the liberty of speech and public meetings, as they could not venture to recommend, and which Parliament would, perhaps, have declined to sanction.2

No sooner had the act expired, than the old Catholic Asociation, with all its organization and offensive tactics, was revived. At the same time, the Orange sociation revived, 1828 Societies were resuscitated. Protestant associa

Catholic As

1 Opinion of Mr. Joy, 1828; Sir R. Peel's Mem., i. 45; Wyse i. 222246; Ibid., ii. App. xxxix.

2 Memorandum and Correspondence of Mr. Peel, the Marquess of An glesey, and Mr. Lamb.- Peel's Mem., i. 22–58, 150.

tions, called Brunswick Clubs, were established on the model of the Catholic Association, and collected a Protestant rent.1 Meanwhile, the agitation fomented by the Catholic Asso

Dangerous meetings, Sept., 1828.

ciation was most threatening. Meetings were assembled to which large bodies of Catholics marched in military array, bearing flags and music, dressed in uniforms, and disciplined to word of command. Such assemblages were obviously dangerous to the public peace. Ministers and the Irish executive watched them with solicitude; and long balanced between the evils of permitting such demonstrations on the one side, and precipitating a bloody collision with excited masses of the people, on the other. They were further embarrassed by counterdemonstrations of the Protestants, and by the hot zeal of the Orange Societies, which represented their cautious vigilance. as timidity, and their inaction as an abandonment of the functions of government. They were advised against them, that such meetings, having no definite object sancOct. 1st. 1829. tioned by law, and being assembled in such numbers and with such organization as to strike a well-grounded fear into peaceable inhabitants, were illegal by the common law, even when accompanied by no act of violence. And at length they determined to prevent such meetings, and to concert measures for their dispersion by force. A proclamation, being issued for that purpose, met with a ready obedience. It formed no part of the scheme of the Catholic leaders to risk a collision with military force, or with their Protestant rivals; and the association had already begun to discourage these dangerous assemblages, in anticipation of

Proclamation

1 Wyse, i. 347-359.

2 Opinion of attorney and solicitor-general of England.— Sir R. Peel's Mem., i. 225; Queen v. Soley, 11 Modern Reports, and King v. Hunt and others.

8 The correspondence of Mr. Peel with Lord Anglesey and the Irish executive, discloses all the considerations by which the government was influenced, under circumstances of great embarrassment. Sir R. Peel's

Mem., i. 207-231.