During the repeal agitation in Ireland, other combinations, in both countries, were not without peril to the Orange peace of society. In Ireland, Catholics and Prot- lodges. estants had long been opposed, like two hostile races; and while the former had been struggling to throw off their civil disabilities, to lessen the burden of tithes, to humble the Protestant Church, to enlarge their own influence, and lastly, to secure an absolute domination by casting off the Protestant legislature of the United Kingdom, — the latter had combined, with not less earnestness, to maintain that Protestant ascendency, which was assailed and endangered. So far back as 1795, Orange societies had been established in Ireland, and particularly in the north, where the population was chiefly Protestant. Early in the present century they were extended to England, and an active correspondence was maintained between the societies of the two kingdoms. As the agitation of the Catholics increased, the confederation expanded. Checked, for a time, in Ireland, together with the Catholic Association, by the Act of 1825, it assumed, in 1828, the imposing character of a national institution. The Duke of Cumberland was inaugurated, in London, as grand master: commissions and warrants were made out under the great seal of the order: office-bearers were designated, in the language of royalty, as "trusty and well-beloved:" large subscriptions were collected; and lodges founded in every part of the empire, whence delegates were sent to the grand lodge. Peers, members of the House of Commons, country gentlemen, magistrates, clergy, and officers in the army and navy, were the patrons and promoters of this organization. The members were exclusively Protestants: they were admitted with a religious ceremony, and taught secret signs and pass-words. In the following year, all the hopes of Orangemen were suddenly dashed, and the objects of the institution frustrated, by the surrender of the Protestant cita1 Infra, Chap. XVI. (Ireland).

2 Commons' Report, 1835, p. vi.-x.

del by the ministers of the crown. Hitherto their loyalty. had scarcely been exceeded by their Protestant zeal; but now the violence and folly of some of their most active, but least discreet members, brought imputations even upon their fidelity to the crown. Such men were possessed of the most extravagant illusions. It was pretended that the Duke of Wellington was preparing to seize upon the crown, as military dictator; and idle plots were even fomented to set aside the succession of the Duke of Clarence, as insane, and the prospective claims of the infant Princess Victoria, as a female and a minor, in order that the Duke of Cumberland might reign, as a Protestant monarch, over a Protestant people.1 Treason lurked amid their follies. Meanwhile, the organization was extended until it numbered 1500 lodges comprising 220,000 Orangemen in Ireland; and 381 lodges in Great Britain, with 140,000 members. There were thirty Orange lodges in the army at home, and many others in the colonies,1 which had been held without the knowledge of the commanding officers of regiments.

Parliamentary inqui ries, 1835.

Secret as were the proceedings of the Grand Orange Society, the processions of its lodges in Ireland, and its extensive ramifications elsewhere, could not fail to arouse suspicion and alarm; and at length, in 1835, the magnitude and dangerous character of the organization were fully exposed by a committee of the House of Commons. It was shown to provoke animosities, to interfere with the administration of justice, and to endanger the disciOrange lodges pline of the army. Mr. Hume urged the necesin the army sity of prompt measures for suppressing Orange and other secret associations in the army; and so fully was the case established, that the House concurred in an address to the king, praying him to suppress political

condemned,

1835.

8

1 Hans. Deb., xxxi. 797, 807: Ann. Reg., 1836, p. 11.

2 Commons' Report, 1835, xi.-xv., xxvii.; Ann. Reg., 1885, chap. xii. Martineau's History, ii. 266-275.

Report, p. xviii.

Orange

234, 1836.

societies in the army, and calling attention to the conduct of the Duke of Cumberland. His Majesty promised his ready compliance. The most indefensible part of the organization was now condemned. Early in the ensuing Address session, the disclosures of the committee being against then complete, another address was unanimously lodges. Feb. agreed to, praying the king to take measures for the effectual discouragement of Orange lodges, and generally of all political societies, excluding persons of different religions, and using secret signs and symbols, and acting by means of associated branches. Again the king assured the House of his compliance. His Majesty's answer having been communicated to the Duke of Cumberland by the Home Secretary, his Royal Highness announced that he had already recommended the dissolution of Orange societies in Ireland, and would take measures to dissolve them in England.

Peculiarity

societies.

Other societies have endeavored to advance their cause by public discussions, and appeals to their numbers and resolution. The Orange Association labored of Orange secretly to augment its numbers, and stimulate the ardor of its associates, by private intercourse and correspondence. Publicity is the very life of constitutional agitation; but secrecy and covert action distinguished this anomalous institution. Such peculiarities raised suspicions that men who shrank from appealing to public opinion, meditated a resort to force. It was too late to repel Catholic aggression and democracy by argument; but might they not, even yet, be resisted by the sword? That such designs were entertained by the leading Orangemen, few but their most rancorous enemies affected to believe; but it was plain that a prince of

1 Hans. Deb., 3d Ser., xxx. 58, 95, 266; Ann. Reg., 1835, chap. xii.; Comm. Journ., xc. 533.

2 lbid., 552.

8 Hans. Deb., 3d Ser., xxxi. 779, 870.

Ann. Reg., 1836, p. 19.

See Letters of Col. Fairman, Report of Committee, 1835, No. 605, p.

the blood and the proudest nobles, -inflamed by political discontents, and associated with reckless and foolish men, might become not less dangerous to the state, than the most vulgar tribunes of the people.

Anti-Sla

tion.

Such were the failures of two great combinations, respectively representing the Catholics and Protestants of very Associa Ireland, and their ancient feuds. While they were in dangerous conflict, another movement essentially differing from these in the sentiments from which it sprang, and the means by which it was forwarded was brought to a successful issue. In 1833, the generous labors of the Anti-Slavery Association were consummated. The venerable leaders of the movement which had condemned the slavetrade,1 together with Mr. Fowell Buxton, and other younger associates, had revived the same agency, for attaining the abolition of slavery itself. Again were the moral and religious feelings of the people successfully appealed to: again did the press, the pulpit, the platform, petitions, addresses, and debates, stimulate and instruct the people. Again was public opinion persuaded and convinced; and again a noble cause was won, without violence, menace, or dictation.2

Trades'

Let us now turn to other combinations of this period, formed by working men alone, with scarcely a unions, 1834. leader from another class. In 1834, the trades' unions which had hitherto restricted their action to matters affecting the interests of operatives and their employers, were suddenly impelled to a strong political demonstration. The Dorches- Six laborers had been tried at Dorchester for adter laborers. ministering unlawful oaths, and were sentenced to transportation.3 The unionists were persuaded that these

1 Supra, p. 133.

2 Life of Wilberforce, v. 122-127, 163-171, &c.; Life of Sir Fowell Buxton, 125, 256, 311, &c.; Ann. Reg., 1833, ch. vii.

8 Courts and Cabinets of Will. IV., &c., ii. 82. The Duke of Buckingham says that two out of the six "Dorchester laborers" were dissenting ministers.

unions, April

men had been punished as an example to themselves: they had administered similar oaths, and were amenable to the same terrible law. Their leaders, therefore, re- Procession solved to demand the recall of the Dorchester of trades' laborers; and to support their representations by 21st, 1834. an exhibition of physical force. A petition to the king was accordingly prepared; and a meeting of trades' unions was summoned to assemble at Copenhagen Fields on the 21st of April, and escort a deputation, by whom it was to be presented, to the Home Office. About 30,000 men assembled on that day, marshalled in their several unions, and bearing emblems of their several trades. After the meeting, they formed a procession and marched, in orderly array, past Whitehall, to Kennington Common, while the deputation was left to its mission, at the Home Office. The leaders hoped to overawe the government by their numbers and union; but were quickly undeceived. The deputation presented themselves at the Home Office, and solicited the interview which Lord Melbourne had appointed: but they were met by Mr. Phillips, the under-secretary, and acquainted that Lord Melbourne could not receive the petition presented in such a manner, nor admit them to his presence, attended, as they were, by 30,000 men. They retired, humbled and crestfallen, and half afraid to announce their discomfiture at Kennington : they had failed in their mission, by reason of the very demonstration upon which they had rested their hopes of

success.

Meanwhile the procession passed onwards, without disturbance. The people gazed upon them as they passed, with mingled feelings of interest and pity, but with little apprehension. The streets were quiet: there were no signs of preparation to quell disorder: not a soldier was to be seen: even the police were in the background. Yet, during the previous night, the metropolis had been prepared as for a siege. The streets were commanded by unseen artillery: the barracks and public offices were filled with soldiers under