days afterwards, the real number was ascertained to be 1,900,000, — of which many were in the same handwriting, and others fictitious, jocose, and impertinent. The vast numbers who had signed this petition, earnestly and in good faith, entitled it to respect; but the exaggeration, levity, and carelessness of its promoters brought upon it discredit and ridicule. The failure of the Chartist agitation was another example of the hopelessness of a cause not supported by a parliamentary party, by enlightened opinion, and by the cooperation of several classes of society. The 66 The last political agitation which remains to be described, was essentially different in its objects, incidents, Anti-Corncharacter, and result. Anti-Corn-Law Law League. League" affords the most remarkable example in our history, of a great cause won against powerful interests and prejudice, by the overpowering force of reason and public opinion. When the League was formed in 1838, both Houses of Parliament, the first statesmen of all parties, and the landlords and farmers throughout the country, firmly upheld the protective duties upon corn; while merchants, manufacturers, traders, and the inhabitants of towns, were generally indifferent to the cause of free trade. The parliamentary advocates of free trade in corn, led by Mr. Poulett Thomson and Mr. Charles Villiers, had already exhausted the resources of political science, in support and illustration of this measure. Their party was respectable in numbers, in talent, and political influence; and was slowly gathering strength. It was supported, in the country, by many political philosophers,— by thoughtful writers in the press; and by a few far-seeing merchants and manufacturers: but the impulse of a popular movement, and public conviction, was wanting. This it became the mission of the Anti-Corn-Law League to create. This association at once seized upon all the means by 1 The Queen, the Duke of Wellington, Sir R. Peel, and others were represented as having signed it several times. Hans. Deb., 3d Ser., xcviii., 285; Report of Public Petitions Committee. Its organi- which, in a free country, public opinion may be acted upon. Free-trade newspapers, pamphlets, and tracts were circulated with extraordinary industry and perseverance. The leaders of the League, and, above all, Mr. Cobden, addressed meetings, in every part of the country, in language calculated at once to instruct the public mind in the true principles of free trade, and to impress upon the people. the vital importance of those principles to the interests of the whole community. Delegates from all parts of England were assembled at Westminster, Manchester, and elsewhere, who conferred with ministers and members of Parliament.2 In 1842 they numbered nearly 1600. In London, Drury Lane, and Covent Garden, theatres were borrowed from the drama, and converted into arenas for political discussion, where crowded audiences listened with earnest, and often passionate, aftention, to the stirring oratory of the corn-law repealers. In country towns, these intrepid advocates even undertook to convert farmers to the doctrines of free trade; and were ready to break a lance with all comers, in the town-hall or corn-exchange. The whole country was awakened by the masterly logic and illustration of Mr. Cobden, and the vigorous eloquence of Mr. Bright. Religion was pressed into the service of this wide-spread agitation. Conferences of ministers were held at Manchester, Carnarvon, and Edinburgh, where the corn-laws were denounced as sinful restraints upon the bounty of the Almighty; and the clergy of all denominations were exhorted to use the persuasions of the pulpit, and every influence of their sacred calling, in the cause. Even the sympathies of the fair sex were enlisted in the agitation, by the gayeties and excitement of free-trade bazaars. Large subscriptions were collected, which enabled the League to support a numerous 1 Prentice, i. 101, 107, 125. 2 Ibid., 150, 200. 8 Ibid., 306. 4 Ibid., i. 234, 252, 290. Prentice's History of the Corn-Law League, i. 296. staff of agents, who everywhere collected and disseminated information upon the operation of the corn laws, and encouraged the preparation of petitions. By these means public opinion was rapidly instructed, and won over to the cause of free trade in corn. But Parliament and the constituencies were still to be overcome. Parliament was addressed in petitions from nearly every parish; and nothing was left undone, that debates and divisions could accomplish within its walls. The constituencies were appealed to, at every election, on behalf of free-trade candidates; the registration was diligently watched; and no pains 1844. was spared to add free-trade voters to the register. Nor did the League stop here; but finding that, with all their efforts, the constituencies were still opposed to them, they resorted to an extensive creation of votes by means of 40s. freeholds, purchased by the working classes.1 Never had political organization been so complete. The circumstances of the time favored its efforts; and in Its success. 1846, the protective corn law with which the most powerful interests in the state were connected- was unconditionally and forever abandoned. There had been great pressure from without, but no turbulence. Strong feelings had been aroused in the exciting struggle: landlords had been denounced: class exasperated against class: Parliament approached in a spirit of dictation. Impetuous orators, heated in the cause, had breathed words of fire: promises of cheap bread to hungry men, and complaints that it was denied them, were full of peril: but this vast disorganization was never discredited by acts of violence or lawlessness. The leaders had triumphed in a great popular cause, without the leas taint of sedition. This movement had enjoyed every condition of success. The cause itself appealed alike to the reason and judgment Causes of of thinking men, and to the interests and passions of success. 1 Ibid., passim, and particularly i. 64, 90, 126, 137. 225, 410; ii. 168, 236 &c.; M. Bastiat, Cobden et la Ligue; Ann. Reg., 1843, 1844. the multitude: it had the essential basis of parliamentary sup port; and it united, for a common object, the employers of labor and the working classes. The latter condition mainly insured its success. Manufacturers foresaw, in free trade, an indefinite extension of the productive energies of the country: operatives hoped for cheap bread, higher wages, and more constant employment. These two classes, while suffering from the commercial stagnation of past years, had been estranged and hostile. Trades' unions and Chartism had widened the breach between them; but they now worked heartily together, in advancing a measure which promised advantage to them all. The cornlaw league after 1846. The history of the League yet furnishes another lesson. It was permitted to survive its triumph; and such is the love of freedom which animates Englishmen, that no sooner had its mission been accomplished, than men who had labored with it, became jealous of its power and dreaded its dictation. Its influence rapidly declined; and at length it became unpopular, even in its own strongholds. Review of political agitation. In reviewing the history of political agitation, we cannot be blind to the perils which have sometimes threatened the state. We have observed fierce antagonism between the people and their rulers, - evil passions and turbulence,-class divided against class,-associations overbearing the councils of Parliament, and large bodies of subjects exalting themselves into the very seat of government. Such have been the storms of the political atmosphere, which, in a free state, alternate with the calms and light breezes of public opinion; and statesmen have learned to calculate their force and direction. There have been fears and dangers; but popular discontents have been dissipated, wrongs have been redressed and public liberties established, without revolution; while popular violence and intimidation have been overborne by the combined force of government and society. And what have been the results of agitation upon the legis lation of the country? Not a measure has been forced upon Parliament, which the calm judgment of a later time has not since approved; not an agitation has failed, which posterity has not condemned. The abolition of the slave-trade and slavery, Catholic emancipation, parliamentary reform, and the repeal of the corn laws, were the fruits of successful agitation; the repeal of the Union, and Chartism, conspicuous examples of failure. The But it may be asked, is agitation to be the normal condition of the state? Are the people to be ever combining, and the government now resisting, and now yielding to, their pressure? Is constitutional government to be worked with this perpetual wear and tear, this straining and wrenching of its very framework? We fervently hope not. struggles we have narrated marked the transition from old to new principles of government, from exclusion, repression, and distrust, to comprehension, sympathy, and confidence. Parliament, yielding slowly to the expansive ener gies of society, was stirred and shaken by their upheavings. But with a free and instructed press, a wider representation, and a Parliament enjoying the general confidence of the people,agitation has nearly lost its fulcrum. Should Parliament, however, oppose itself to the progressive impulses of another generation, let it study well the history of the past; and discern the signs of a pressure from without, which may not wisely be resisted. Let it reflect upon the wise maxim of Macaulay: "The true secret of the power of agitators is the obstinacy of rulers; and liberal governments make a moderate people."1 government The development of free institutions, and the entire recognition of liberty of opinion, have wrought an Altered essential change in the relations of the govern- relations of ment and the people. Mutual confidence has to the people. succeeded to mutual distrust. They act in concert, instead of opposition; and share with one another the cares 1 Speech on Reform Bill, 5th July, 1831; Hans. Deb., 3d Ser., iv. 118. |