honorable place. Notwithstanding extraordinary reductions of taxation, the productive energies of the country, encouraged by so liberal a policy, have more than made good the amount of these remissions. Tax after tax has been removed; yet the revenue ever buoyant and elastic-has been maintained by the increased productiveness of the remaining duties. This policy- the conception of Sir Henry Parnell-was commenced by Lord Althorp, boldly extended by Sir Robert Peel, and consummated by Mr Gladstone.

To insure the safe trial of this financial experiment, Sir Robert Peel proposed a property tax, in time of peace, to fall exclusively on the higher and middle classes. It was accepted; and marks, no less than other examples, the solicitude of Parliament for the welfare of the many, and the generous spirit of those classes who have most influence over its deliberations. The succession duty, imposed some years later, affords another example of the self-denying principles of a popular Parliament. In 1796, the Commons-ever ready to mulct the people at the bidding of the minister, yet unwilling to bear their own proper burdenrefused to grant Mr. Pitt such a tax upon their landed property. In 1853, the reformed Parliament, intent upon sparing industry, accepted this heavy charge from Mr. Gladstone. The only unsatisfactory feature of modern finance has been the formidable and continuous increase of of expendi- expenditure. The demands upon the Exchequer · apart from the fixed charge of the public debt were nearly doubled during the last ten years of this period.1 Much of this serious increase was due to the Russian, Chinese, and Persian wars, to the vast armaments and unset

Vast increase

ture.

1 In 1850, the estimated expenditure was 50,763,5831.; in 1860, it amounted to 73,534,000l. The latter amount, however, comprised 4,709,0007. for the collection of the revenue, which had not been brought into the account until 1856. In the former year the charge of the public debt was 28,105,000.; in the latter, 26,200,000l. Hence an expenditure of 22,658,5837 at one period, is to be compared with 42,634,0007. at the other.

tled policy of foreign states, to the proved deficiencies of our military organization, to the reconstruction of the navy, and to the greater costliness of all the equipments of modern warfare. Much, however, was caused by the liberal and humane spirit of modern administration. While the utmost efficiency was sought in fleets and armies, the comforts and moral welfare of our seamen and soldiers were promoted, at great cost to the state. So, again, large permanent additions were made to the civil expenditure, by an improved administration of justice, a more effective police, extended postal communications, the public education of the people, and the growing needs of civilization throughout a powerful and wide-spread empire. This augmented expenditure, however, deprived the people of the full benefits of a judicious scheme of taxation. The property-tax, intended only as a temporary expedient, was continued; and however light and equal the general incidence of other taxes, enormous contributions to the state were necessarily a heavy burden upon the industry, the resources, and the comforts of the people.

changes

Such have been the legislative fruits of extended liberty:— wise laws, justly administered; a beneficent care These for the moral and social welfare of the people; carefully freedom of trade and industry; lighter and more made. equitable taxation. Nor were these great changes in our laws and policy effected in the spirit of democracy. They were made slowly, temperately, and with caution. They were preceded by laborious inquiries, by discussion, experiments, and public conviction. Delays and opposition were borne patiently, until truth steadily prevailed; and when a sound policy was at length recognized, it was adopted and carried out, even by former opponents.1

"In

1 M. Guizot, who never conceals his distrust of democracy, says: the legislation of the country, the progress is immense: justice, disinterested good sense, respect for all rights, consideration for all interests, the conscientious and searching study of social facts and wants, exercise a far greater sway than they formerly did, in the government of England; in its

Good government pro

motes content and discourages democracy.

Freedom and good government, a generous policy and the devotion of rulers to the welfare of the people, have been met with general confidence, loyalty, and contentment. The great ends of freedom have been attained, in an enlightened and responsible rule, approved by the judgment of the governed. The constitution, having worked out the aims and promoted the just interests of society, has gained upon democracy; while growing wealth and prosperity have been powerful auxiliaries of constitutional government.

Pressure of

since the

To achieve these great objects, ministers and Parliaments have labored, since the Reform Act, with unceaslegislation ing energy and toil. In less than thirty years, Reform Act. the legislation of a century was accomplished. The inertness and errors of past ages had bequeathed a long arrear to lawgivers. Parliament had long been wanting in its duty of "devising remedies as fast as time breedeth mischief." There were old abuses to correct, new principles to establish, powerful interests and confirmed prejudices to overcome, the ignorance, neglect, and mistaken policy of centuries to review. Every department of legislation,- civil, ecclesiastical, legal, commercial, and financial, demanded revision. And this prodigious work, when shaped and fashioned in council, had to pass through the fiery ordeal of a popular assembly; to encounter opposition and unrestrained freedom of debate, the conflict of parties, popular agitation, the turmoil of elections, and lastly, the delays and reluctance of the House of Lords, which still cherished the spirit and sympathies of the past. And further, this work had to be slowly wrought out in a Parliament of wide remedial jurisdiction, the Grand Inquest of the nation. Ours is not a council of sages for framing laws, and planning amendments of the constitution; but a free and vigorous Parliament,

domestic matters, and as regards its daily affairs, England is assuredly governed much more equitably and wisely."— Life of Sir R. Peel, p. 373 1 Lord Bacon. Pacification of the Church.

which watches over the destinies of an empire. It arraigns ministers; directs their policy, and controls the administration of affairs; it listens to every grievance; and inquires, complains, and censures. Such are its obligations to freedom; and such its paramount trust and duty. Its first care is that the state be well governed; its second that the laws be amended. These functions of a Grand Inquest received a strong impulse from Parliamentary Reform, and were exercised with a vigor characteristic of a more popular representation. Again, there was the necessary business of every session, provision for the public service, the scrutiny of the national expenditure, and multifarious topics of incidental discussion, ever arising in a free Parliament. Yet, notwithstanding all these obstacles, legislation marched on

ward. The strain and pressure were great, but they were borne; and the results may be recounted with pride. Not only was a great arrear overtaken; but the labors of another generation were, in some measure, anticipated. An exhausting harvest was gathered; but there is yet ample work for the gleaners, and a soil that claims incessant cultivation. "A free government," says Machiavel, "in order to maintain. itself free, hath need, every day, of some new provisions in favor of liberty." Parliament must be watchful and earnest, lest its labors be undone. Nor will its popular constitution again suffer it to cherish the perverted optimism of the last century, which discovered perfection in everything as it was, and danger in every innovation.

affected by

Even the foreign relations of England were affected by ner domestic liberty. When kings and nobles Foreign governed, their sympathies were with crowned relations heads; when the people were admitted to a share freedom. in the government, England favored constitutional freedom in other states, and became the idol of every nation which cherished the same aspirations as herself.

1 The extent of these labors is shown in the reports of Committees on Public Business in 1848, 1855, and 1861; in a pamphlet, by the author, on that subject, 1849; and in the Edinburgh Review, Jan. 1854, art. vii.

This history is now completed. However unworthy of Conclusion. its great theme, it may yet serve to illustrate a remarkable period of progress and renovation in the laws and liberties of England. Tracing the later development of the constitution, it concerns our own time and present franchises. It shows how the encroachments of power were repelled, and popular rights acquired, without revolution; how constitutional liberty was won, and democracy reconciled with timehonored institutions. It teaches how freedom and enlightenment, inspiring the national councils with wisdom, promoted the good government of the State and the welfare and contentment of society. Such political examples as these claim the study of the historian and philosopher, the reflection of the statesman, and the gratulations of every free people.

+ chap XVI