surrounded it, encompassing an area of about five acres. Between the fort and the main land was a body of water, over which a great tree had been felled, on which all must pass and repass, to and from it. On coming to this place, the English soldiers, as many as could pass upon the tree, which would not admit two abreast, rushed forward upon it, but were swept off in a moment by the fire of Philip's men. Still, the English soldiers, led by their captains, supplied the places of the slain. But again and again were they swept from the fatal avenue. Six captains and a great many men had fallen, and a partial, but momentary, recoil from the face of death took place. Meanwhile, a handful, under the fortunate Mosely, had, as miraculous as it may seem, got within the fort. These were contending hand to hand with the Indians, and at fearful odds, when the cry of "They run! they run!" brought to their assistance a considerable body of their fellow-soldiers. They were now enabled to drive the Indians from their main breastwork, and their slaughter became immense. Flying from wigwam to wigwammen, women and children, indiscriminately, were hewn down, and lay in heaps upon the snow. Being now masters of the fort, at the recommendation of Mr. Church, who led the second party that entered the fort, General Winslow was about to quarter the army in it for the present, which offered comfortable habitations to the sick and wounded, besides a plentiful supply of provisions. But one of the captains and a surgeon opposed the measure; probably from the apprehension that the woods was full of Indians, who would continue their attacks upon them, and drive them out in their turn. There was, doubtless, some reason for this, which was strengthened from the fact that many English were killed after they had possessed themselves of the fort, by those whom they had just dispossessed of it. Notwithstanding, had Church's advice been followed, perhaps many of the lives of the wounded would have been saved; for he was seldom out in his judgment, as his continued successes proved afterwards.

After fighting three hours, the English were obliged to march 18 miles, before the wounded could be dressed, and in a most dismal and boisterous night. Eighty English were killed in the fight, and 150 wounded, many of whom died afterwards. The shattered army left the ground in considerable haste, leaving eight of their dead in the fort.

Philip, and such of his warriors as escaped unhurt, fled into a place of safety, until the enemy had retired; when they returned again to the fort. The English, no doubt, apprehended a pursuit, but Philip, not knowing their distressed situation, and, perhaps, judging of their loss from the few dead which they left behind, made no attempt to harass them in their retreat. Before the fight was over, many of the wigwams were set on fire. Into these, hundreds of innocent women and children had crowded themselves, and perished in the general conflagration! And, as a writer of that day expresses himself, "no man knoweth how many." The English learned afterwards, from some that fell into their hands, that in all about 700 perished.+

The sufferings of the English, after the fight, are almost without a parallel in history. The horrors of Moscow will not longer be remembered. The myriads of modern Europe, assembled there, bear but small propor

* Probably Mosely, who seems always to have had a large share in the direction of all affairs when present.

+ There is printed in Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. i. 300. a letter which gives the particulars of the Narraganset fight. I have compared it with the original, and find it correct in the main particulars. He mistakes in ascribing it to Major Bradford, for it is signed by James Oliver, one of the Plimouth captains. Hutchinson copied from a copy, which was without signature. He omits a passage concerning Tift. or Tiffe, who, Oliver says, confirmed his narrative. That man had "married an Indian, a Wompanoag-and, says Oliver, he shot 20 times at us in the swamp was taken at Providence, [by Captain Fenner,] Jan. 14th-brought to us the 16th-executed the 18th ; a sad wretch. He never heard a sermon but once this 14 years; he never heard of the name of Jesus Christ. His father going to recall him, lost his head, and lies unburied." Hubbard says, (Narrative, 59,) that "he was condemned to die the death of a traitor," and traitors of those days were quartered. "As to his religion, he was found as ignorant as an heathen, which, no doubt, caused the fewer tears to be shed at his funeral." A sorrowful record!

tion to the number of their countrymen, compared with that of the army of New England and theirs, at the fight in Narraganset.

Colonel Church, then only a volunteer, was in this fight, and we will hear a few of his observations. "By this time, the English people in the fort had begun to set fire to the wigwams and houses, which Mr. Church labored hard to prevent; they told him they had orders from the general to burn them; he begged them to forbear until he had discoursed the general." Then, hastening to him, he urged, that "the wigwams were musket-proof, being all lined with baskets and tubs of grain, and other provisions, sufficient to supply the whole army until the spring of the year; and every wounded man might have a good warm house to lodge in; which, otherwise, would necessarily perish with the storms and cold. And, moreover, that the army had no other provision to trust unto or depend upon; that he knew that Plymouth forces had not so much as one biscuit left." The general was for acceding to Church's proposition, but a captain and a doctor prevented it, as we have before observed; the former threatening to shoot the general's horse under him, if he attempted to march in, and the latter said, Church should bleed to death like a dog, (he having been badly wounded on entering the fort,) before he would dress his wounds, if he gave such advice. Church then proceeds: "And, burning up all the houses and provisions in the fort, the army returned the same night in the storm and cold. And, I suppose, every one that is acquainted with the circumstances of that night's march, deeply laments the miseries that attended them; especially the wounded and dying men. But it mercifully came to pass that Capt. Andrew Belcher arrived at Mr. Smith's, [in Narraganset,] that very night from Boston, with a vessel loaden with provisions for the army, who must otherwise have perished for want." *

After the English army had gone into quarters at Wickford, the Connecticut troops returned home, which was considered very detrimental to the service by the other colonies; and soon after a reinforcement of 1000 men was assembled at Boston and ordered to the assistance of their countrymen. In their march to Narraganset in the beginning of Jan. 1676, they suffered intolerably from the cold; no less than 11 men were frozen to death, and many others were taken sick by reason of their exposure in that severe season.

Meanwhile the Indians had sent deputies to the commander-in-chief to treat of peace; but it was judged that they were insincere in their overtures, and no terms were settled. While matters were thus progressing, Philip removed his provisions, women and children to a strong place protected by rocks, in a swamp, about 20 miles from the late battle-ground in Narraganset, into the country of the Nipmuks. At length, the weather having become mild, and the Connecticut forces returned, together with a body of Mohegans under Uncas, it was resolved to suprise Philip in his rocky fortress. Accordingly the army, consisting now of 1600 men, marched out on this enterprise. On its approach, the Indians abandoned their position and fled farther northward. They were pursued a small distance, and about 60 or 70 of them killed and taken, (probably women and children.) The army soon after returned home, and was chiefly disbanded.

On 27 Jan., while the army was pursuing the main body of the Indians, a party of about 300 attacked Mr. William Carpenter's plantation, and attempted to burn his house, which they set on fire, but those within succeeded in putting it out. In the skirmish, one of their number was killed, and two of the whites were wounded. The assaulting party collected and drove off from this place 180 sheep, 50 large cattle, and 15 horses, and from a Mr. Harris another drove of cattle, and killed his negro servant.†

Soon after this, Philip, with many of his followers, left that part of the

* "Our wounded men, (in number about 150,) being dressed, were sent into Rhode Island, as the best place for their accommodation; where, accordingly, they were kindly received by the governor and others, only some churlish Quakers were not free to entertain them, until compelled by the governor. Of so inhumane, peevish and untoward a disposition are these Nabals, as not to vouchsafe civility to those that had ventured their lives, and received dangerous wounds in their defence." Old Ind. Chronicle, 74.

† Old Indian Chronicle, 58, 59.-Hubbard, 59.

country, and resided in different places upon Connecticut River. Some report that he took up his residence near Albany, and that he solicited the Mohawks to aid him against the English, but without success.

*

The story of the foul stratagem said to have been resorted to by Philip for this object, is, if true, the deepest stain upon his character. According to one of the historians of the war, it was reported at Boston, in the end of June, or beginning of July, 1676, that "those Indians who are known by the name of Mauquawogs, (or Mohawks, i. e. man-eaters,) had lately fallen upon Philip, and killed 40 of his men. And if the variance between Philip and the Mauquawogs came to pass, as is commonly reported and apprehended, there was a marvellous finger of God in it. For we hear that Philip, being this winter entertained in the Mohawks' country, made it his design to breed a quarrel between the English and them; to effect which, divers of our returned captives do report, that he resolved to kill some scattering Mohawks, and then to say that the English had done it; but one of these, whom he thought to have killed, was only wounded, and got away to his countrymen, giving them to understand that not the English, but Philip, had killed the men that were murdered; so that, instead of bringing the Mohawks upon the English, he brought them upon himself."

The author of the anonymous" LETTERS TO LONDON" has this passage † concerning Philip's visit to the Mohawks. "King Philip, and some of these northern Indians, being wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucks marched out very strong, in a warlike posture, upon them, putting them to flight, and pursuing them as far as Hassicke River, which is about two days' march from the east side of Hudson's River to the north-east, killing divers, and bringing away some prisoners with great pride and triumph, which ill success on that side, where they did not expect any enemy, having lately endeavored to make up the ancient animosities, did very much daunt and discourage the said northern Indians, so that some hundreds came in and submitted themselves to the English at Plimouth colony, and Philip himself is run skulking away into some swamp, with not above ten men attending him." Although Philip was supposed to be beyond the frontier by some, and by others to be "snugly stowed away in some swamp," yet his warriors, whether directed by him in person or not, is immaterial, as every thing was done against the English that could well be under such broken circumstances as he now labored. On the 10 Feb. 1676, they surprised Lancaster with complete success, the particulars of which we shall fully narrate in our next chapter. Eleven days after, (21 Feb.) about 300 Indians attacked Medfield, and in spite of 200 soldiers stationed there to guard it, burnt about 50 houses, killed 18 of its inhabitants, and wounded 20 others. Among the slain were Lieutenant Alams and his wife: the latter was killed accidentally by Captain Jacob. She was in bed in a chamber, under which was a room occupied by the soldiers; as Captain Jacob was about to leave the house, his gun went off, the ball from which passed through the chamber floor and killed her.

The Indians managed this attack with their usual skill; having placed some of their number prepared with fire implements in various parts of the town, they set the houses on fire," as it were," says Major Gookin, "in one instant of time." And as the people issued out of them, parties lay ready and shot them down. As soon as the whites were mustered to oppose them, they retired over the bridge towards Sherburne, and set it on fire, so that the soldiers could not pursue them. In the pride of their success, they now wrote a letter to the whites, and stuck it up on a post of the bridge. It reads,

"Know by this paper, that the Indians that thou hast provoked to wrath and anger will war this 21 years if you will. There are many Indians yet. We come 300 at this time. You must consider the Indians lose nothing but their life. You must lose your fair houses and cattle.”‡

On the 13 March, the entire town of Groton, consisting of 4 houses, was burnt, except one garrison,§ by shots from which several Indians were

said to have been killed.

Dr. I. Mather, Brief Hist. 38.

+ Chronicle, 99.

Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians.-The above letter was doubtless written by some of the Christian Indians who had joined Philip.

§ In our Chronicle, 80, it is said that Groton was burnt on the 14th; that Major Willard's

Philip had for some time directed matters with such address that his enemies could not tell where or how to meet him, or whether he actually were in the vicinity of the frontiers or not. But there can be little doubt of his special agency and direction in all the important enterprises. On the 18 March, Northampton was assaulted, but not with quite as good success as was anticipated by the besiegers; for they lost eleven men, while the whites had but three killed and six wounded.

On the 27 March, a large body of 300 Indians, as was supposed, were discovered encamped not far from Marlborough, which they had burnt the day before. A company of men belonging to that town, attached themselves to a number of soldiers under one Lieutenant Jacobs, who, falling upon them in the night while they were asleep in their wigwams, killed and wounded about 40 of them, without any loss to themselves.

The Indians seem to have resolved that this midnight assassination should not go long unrequited, and events so determined, as what we are about to relate will fully exemplify. On the morning of the 20 April, the largest body of Indians which had at any time appeared, attacked Sudbury, and before resistance could be made, set fire to several buildings, which were consumed. The inhabitants, however, made a brave stand, and were soon joined by some soldiers from Watertown, under Captain Hugh Mason; and the Indians retreated over the bridge, and were prevented from doing any further mischief during the day, against Sudbury.

Some of the people of Concord hearing of the distress at Sudbury, sallied forth for its protection. As they approached a garrison house, they discovered a few Indians, and pursued them. These, as it proved, were a decoy, and they soon found themselves ambushed on every side. They fought with desperation, but were all, except one, cut off, being eleven in number. This affair took place immediately after Captain Wadsworth had marched from Sudbury with 70 men to strengthen the garrison at Marlborough; and the news of the situation of the place he had just left reached his destination as soon as he did; and although he had marched all the day and night before, and his men almost exhausted with fatigue, yet, taking Captain Brocklebank and about ten men from the garrison at Marlborough, he marched directly back for Sudbury. On the morning of the 21st, they arrived within about a mile and a half of the town, near where a body of about 500 Indians had prepared an ambush behind the hills. From thence they sent out two or three of their party, who crossed the march of the English, and, being discovered by them, affected to fly through fear, to decoy them into a pursuit. This stratagem succeeded, and with great boldness the Indians began the attack. For some time the English maintained good order, and, having retreated to an adjacent hill, lost but five men for near four hours. Meantime the Indians had lost a great number, which so increased their rage that they resolved to put in practice another stratagem, which it seems they had not before thought of. They immediately set the woods on fire to windward of the English, which spread with great rapidity, owing to an exceeding high wind and the dryness of the grass and other combustibles. This stratagem likewise succeeded, even better than the first; that, although it served to bring on the attack, was near proving fatal to its originators, but this was crowned with complete success. The fury of the flames soon drove the English from their advantageous position, which gave the Indians an opportunity to fall upon them with their tomahawks! Many were now able to fall upon one, and resistance fast diminished. All but about twenty were killed or fell into the hands of the conquerors; among the former were the two captains; some of those that escaped took shelter in a mill not far off, and were saved by the arrival of a few men under Captain Prentice, and a company under Captain Crowell. Both of these officers and their men very narrowly escaped the fate of Wadsworth.* As the former was about to fall into a fatal

house was burnt first, and that "afterwards they destroyed 65 more there, leaving but six houses standing in the whole town."

"So insolent were the Indians grown upon their first success against Captain Wadsworth, that they sent us word, to provide store of good cheer; for they intended to dine with us [ai Boston] on the election day." Chronicle, 95.

snare, he was rescued by a company from a garrison; and as the latter approached Sudbury, he saved himself by pursuing an unexpected route; and, though attacked, he succeeded in fighting his way through the Indians with a loss only of six or seven of his men. Captain Crowell's arrival at this time was accidental, though fortunate; being on his return from Quabaog, whither he had been sent to reinforce that garrison.* With this great achievement ended the chief operations in Massachusetts; and we have now to return towards Plimouth.

When success no longer attended Philip in Massachusetts, those of his allies whom he had seduced into the war, upbraided and accused him of bringing all their misfortunes upon them; that they had no cause of war against the English, and had not engaged in it but for his solicitations; and many of the tribes scattered themselves in different directions. With all that would follow him, as a last retreat, Philip returned to Pokanoket. The Pecomptuck or Deerfield Indians were among the first who abandoned his cause, and many of the other Nipmucks and Narragansets soon followed their example.

On the 11th of July, he attempted to surprise Taunton, but was repulsedt. His camp was now at Matapoiset. The English came upon him here, under Captain Church, who captured many of his people, but he escaped over Taunton River, as he had done a year before, but in the opposite direction, and screened himself once more in the woods of Pocasset. He used many stratagems to cut off Captain Church, and seems to have watched and followed him from place to place, until the end of this month; but he was continually losing one company of his men after another. Some scouts ascertained that he, and many of his men, were at a certain place upon Taunton River, and, from appearances, were about to repass it. His camp was now at this place, and the chief of his warriors with him. Some soldiers from Bridgewater fell upon them here, on Sunday, July 30, and killed ten warriors; but Philip, having disguised himself, escaped. His uncle, Akkompoin, was among the slain, and his own sister taken prisoner.

The late attempt by Philip upon Taunton had caused the people of Bridgewater to be more watchful, and some were continually on the scout. Some time in the day, Saturday, 29 July, four men, as they were ranging the woods, discovered one Indian, and, rightly judging there were more at hand, made all haste to inform the other inhabitants of Bridgewater of their discovery. Comfort Willis and Joseph Edson were "pressed" to go "post" to the governor of Plimouth, at Marshfield, who "went to Plimouth with them, the next day, [30 July,] to send Captain Church with his company. And Captain Church came with them to Monponset on the sabbath, and came no further that day, he told them he would meet them the next day." Here Willis and Edson left him, and arrived at home in the evening. Upon hearing of the arrival of Church in their neighborhood, 21 men "went out on Monday, supposing to meet with Captain Church; but they came upon the enemy and fought with them, and took 17 of them alive, and also much plunder. And they all returned, and not one of them fell by the enemy; and received no help from Church." This account is given from an old manuscript, but who its author was is not certain.§ Church's account differs considerably from it. He says, that on the evening of the same day he and his company marched from Plimouth, "they heard a smart firing at a distance from them, but it

* Old Indian Chronicle 79, 92, 93.-Hubbard, 80.-Gookin's MS. Hist.-A son of Captain Wadsworth caused a monument to be erected upon the place of this fight, with an inscription upon it, which time has discovered to be erroneous in some of its historical particulars. It was recently standing to the west of Sudbury causeway, about a quarter of a mile from the great road that leads from Boston to Worcester. Hoyt, 122. Holmes, i. 380.

A captive negro made his escape from Philip's men, and gave notice of their intention; "whereupon the inhabitants stood upon their guard, and souldiers were timously sent in to them for their relief and defence." Prevalency of Prayer, 8.

"Tis said that he had newly cut off his hair, that he might not be known." Hubbard,

Nar. 101.

It is published by Mr. Mitchell, in his valuable account of Bridgewater, and supposed to have been written by Comfort Willis, named above. See 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. vii. 157.