Up to the period of the state trials, Mr. O'Connell had been all in all to Ireland. When convicted of seditious practices by the Irish Courts and condemned to imprisonment and a heavy fine, he was followed to his jail by the sorrows, the prayers, and the revengeful rage of a whole people. Even some who before had kept aloof from the great agitator, now came forward to stand or to fall by the result of his trial. The most prominent of these was William Smith O'Brien, who, true to the impulses of a lofty nature, seized this hour of dismay and danger, to signalize his devotion to the nation's cause and the nation's hero. His accession to the cause was welcomed with the fondest joy, by the entire patriotic party. The consistency of his politics, the purity of his character, and the unvarying rectitude of his life gave abundant assurance not only of his deep sincerity, but of the certainty of his devotion till death. On the 6th of September, 1844, O'Connell was released from prison, by the decision of the House of Lords. Under date of October 2d, in the same year, he addressed a letter to the Repeal Association, which did much to weaken his influence over his countrymen, and served to bring "Young Ireland" prominently before the public. O'Connell's agitation for repeal, had been pursued with the distinct understanding that the Irish parliament was to be restored to the same power and authority it possessed previous to the union. This letter gave the sanction of the Great Repealer's authority to a species of Federalism, most abhorrent to the feelings of the people. A triumphant and conclusive answer to this insidious proposal, was made by Charles Duffy, which effectually killed off the project, and seemed to attract still more strongly the attention of the people to the new party of "Young Ireland."

O'Connell's rather ostentatious rejection of the aid proffered by the Republican party in France, and the severity of his censures on slave-holding America, were also regarded as blunders on the part of the agitator by many of the Irish people, and served to weaken the confidence of "Young Ireland" in the wisdom of his policy. The craft of the English ministry further weakened the influence of O'Connell, by procuring a rescript from the Pope, in which his holiness admonished the primate of Ireland, to restrain the intemperate violence of political priests, and to advise them to confine themselves more rigidly to the sacred functions of their clerical office. The influence of the veteran patriot was further impaired, by a proposal he made after the close of the state trials, to abolish the Repeal Association and establish a new body from which all the illegal attributes and tendencies of the old one should be excluded. Smith O'Brien, speaking in the name and expressing the sentiments of his party, resisted this counsel as false, craven, and fatal, and O'Connell at once yielded to their common remonstrance. The breach among the patriotic band, was unfortunately widened, by a radical difference of principle between Mr. O'Connell and his followers on the one hand, and "Young Ireland" on the other, on the great question of education for Ireland. Though at first inclined to regard with favor, the principle of mixed education, as it was called, by which Catholics and Protestants should be instructed at the same schools in secular learning, leaving their religious instruction to those of their own faith, Mr. O'Connell was finally induced

to oppose vigorously the whole project. "Young Ireland," on the contrary, welcomed the principle of the scheme as just in itself, and admirably adapted to unite the adherents of the old and the new faith in mutual regard for one another, and to destroy the barrier which the bigotry of each had raised between them, to the great loss and disgrace of Ireland. The difference was a radical one, and in spite of the unquestioned Catholicity of the conductors of the "Nation" newspaper, rumors began to be circulated, that it was an infidel paper! Soon these obscure whispers and mysterious insinuat'ons, gave place to audacious accusations of treachery to the faith on the part of this organ of "Young Ireland."

The resolution of Irish members of parliament to abandon their seats, and subsequently their refusal to serve on any committee of the House of Commons, alarmed the English ministry, who dreaded the responsibility of legislating for Ireland in the absence of their representatives. When, however, the danger of setting at defiance the "omnipotence of parliament" was to be incurred, Smith O'Brien was found to stand alone. The O'Connells, father and son, quietly submitted to be placed upon committees, while O'Brien was immured in his solitary cell, as the only consistent advocate of separate and independent legislation for Ireland. The Repeal Association, acting under the direction of O'Connell, declined to unite in a congratulatory address to the incarcerated patriot, but the '82 Club, composed of the most distinguished friends of Ireland, sent to O'Brien a cordial approval of his course. The consequences of such differences of opinion, could not fail of being pernicious to the general harmony of the Repealers: Crimination and recrimination freely passed between "Young Ireland" and the adherents of O'Connell. The Nation" newspaper was regarded with increased disfavor and disgust, by those who still felt their confidence in the patriotism and wisdom of their great leader to be unabated. This unfortunate feeling was repaid by a growing distrust of O'Connell by the younger and more ardent patriots. The result was, that the paper soon virtually ceased to be regarded by the Repeal Association as one of its organs. These dissensions were brought to a crisis by the defeat of Sir Robert Peel's ministry in parliament, and the consequent accession of the Whigs to power with Lord John Russell at their head. The Whigs, themselves, felt the necessity of Irish support, in order to maintain themselves in power, and to obtain this support, great advances were made to O'Connell and his Irish friends. Henceforth, no terms were kept between the two parties. O'Connell became more conservative; Young Ireland more seditious and revolutionary. Soon the boldness of the latter attracted the official notice of the law officers of the crown. Mitchell was tried, convicted and sentenced to transportation for fourteen years. Then the "Felon" newspaper came into existence, expressive by its very title of the scorn "Young Ireland" felt for such imputation upon their pure patriotism.

Henceforward, events were rapidly precipitated to their final consummation. The more prominent among the youthful enthusiasts were tried by jurors whose party bias was a sufficient assurance to the government, that the prosecutions should not fail through any scruples or leniency of theirs.

Some were lucky enough to escape, and some were made to expiate their love for their country, in the prison's solitude and gloom. The natural tendency of these efforts of the government to repress the rising hopes of Ireland, was to drive "Young Ireland" into more decisive measures. Soon it was seen that an outbreak must ensue. The timid, the interested, and the cowardly, naturally dreaded the movement. The sanguine, the excitable, and the uncalculating, hoped on, in spite of hope The next movement of the perplexed government was the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and issuing orders for the arrest of O'Brien, and other prominent leaders of the physical force movement. Now or never seemed to be the time to test the true feeling of the country. Should these men be arrested and punished, farewell for one generation at least, to all their hopes. Wisely or unwisely, their choice was made. Returning to Tipperary, they made their burning appeals to the people. The appeal was vain. The clergy and the wealthier classes, saw the hopelessness of the endeavor. Here and there, indeed, many responded to the call, but no general rising gave augury and assurance of success. The final issue was just what might have been anticipated. In the garden of widow McCormick, a few shots were exchanged between the disheartened and deserted insurgents, and a considerable police force, and this closed the military history of the outbreak. Even the most hopeful now saw that the game was up, and nothing remained but to save themselves from the fate of rebels. But this miserable solace was denied them. The chivalric O'Brien, rather than to cause the terror which his presence excited among the dismayed peasantry, boldly ventured to enter the railway cars at Thurles, in order to escape to Limerick. He was recognized and arrested: On the 5th of August, a week later, Meagher and O'Donohue were taken. Mc Mannus was captured, Sept. 7th. On the 28th of the same month their trials commenced at Clonmel, and on the 9th day of the next month, the solemn question was propounded to each, "have you anything to say why sentence of death should not be pronounced upon you?" In the dignity of anticipated death for the country of their love, they each spoke a few noble words in vindication of their ill-starred patriotism. Then the barbarous sentence of hanging, beheading, and quartering-the quarters to be disposed of at the pleasure of the young woman on the English throne-was pronounced. Such a doom, however, the spirit of the age rejected. In place of the gallows, was substituted the ignominy of a lingering death in banishment. Slowly they were wafted to their distant prison, and the gate of hope seemed shut upon them forever. But before very many months had passed away, the friends of Ireland were electrified by the report that John Martin had escaped. The report was true. To our own shores, the refuge of all who have no other refuge, he directed his course, and found a noble welcome. Then a second, and a third, and soon a fourth, bade a hasty farewell to their cruel jailers, and half belted the earth in their "felon" voyage to our welcoming millions.

INDIA Defined-Burmah Described-Manners, Customs, and Government of the BurmansThe Boodhist Religion next to Christianity-Departure of the Rev. Howard Malcolm from Boston-The Savages of the Andaman Islands-Arrival at Maulmain in BurmahJudson, the Missionary-Coasting Voyage-Curiosity of the People-Tavoy-ConvertsKindness of the People-New Year Festivities-Cave of Idols-Pagodas-RangoonVoyage up the Irrawaddy-Lepers-Boatmen-Toddy-tree-Amusing Alarm-Ava, "the Golden City"-Adventures in Ava-Calcutta.

THE term India, was applied by the ancient Greeks to the vast, and then almost unknown regions beyond the Indus. Just before the Christian era, the appellation of Hither India was applied to Hindoostan, and Farther India to the countries on the east of the Ganges, which comprise Burmah, Asam,.

This engraving illustrates a noted Hindoo legend. "After the destruction of a previous world by a deluge, this divinity, Vishnu, composed himself to sleep on a thousand headed serpent, which floated upon the surface of the waters. During a nap of some millions of years, a water lily grew from his body; from this flower issued Brahma, the Creator. Having formed the world anew, and created many of the gods, he proceeded to create man, when the four classes or castes, into which the Hindoos are divided, issued from different parts of his body."

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Munipore, Siara, Camboja, and Cochin-China. All of these countries, Hindoostan inclusive, contain 200 millions of inhabitants, nearly one-quarter of all on the globe.

The ascertained history of Burmah, to which country we first particularly direct attention, covers twenty-five centuries; its fabulous history millions of years! In 1826, an unsuccessful war with the British East India Company, occasioned the loss of several of her finest provinces, which under British rule, have greatly advanced in civilization.

But few countries equal Burmah in grandeur of scenery, or in fertility, and in the variety, value, and elegance of native productions. Lofty mountains, extensive forests, and a delightful climate, characterize her upper country. Burmah has eight millions of inhabitants, of whom, not one half are Burmese, the rest being made up of various tribes. The population is almost entirely in the river valleys, which are of such excessive fertility as to produce a hundred fold.

Burmah is occupied by a people of great activity and acuteness, and possessed of many agreeable qualities. They are shorter than the Hindoos, but excel them in activity, and in features are like the Malays, possessing black hair, thick lips, and flat noses. Their ideal of beauty is a delicate yellow. They build their houses of bamboo, and cover their sides with mats, and generally thatch the roofs. The floors are made of split cane, raised a few feet from the ground. The doors and windows are formed of bamboo frames, and matted; these swing open at the top, and in hot weather are propped up with sticks, and form shades. In large towns the residences of the wealthy are of wood, the floors planked and the windows panneled. The rank of the occupant is showed by the architecture of his dwelling, and he cannot vary from it without incurring punishment. The houses are destitute of chimnies, and the cooking is done in a small earthen pot. The favorite food of Burmah, indeed, of all India, as well as China, is rice, of which, there are at least forty different kinds.

The people extensively practice tattooing, and are becomingly clad, although much of the person is exposed. The female dress is decidedly objectionable in this respect; but immodesty in acts or gesture is rare with either sex. The priests are destitute of hair, and wear a yellow garment, which would be judged sacrilegious for others to assume; such is the peculiar sanctity of this color, that the people often pay their devotions to an old garment of a priest, which has been hung out to dry. All are compelled by their religion, to learn to read, and few cannot; but science is undeveloped, and alchemy usurps the place of practical knowledge. The people are divided into eight classes, which are indicated by their privileges and employments, viz: the royal family, public officers, priests, merchants, cultivators, laborers, executioners, slaves, and outcasts. The highest offices are open to all but to the

slaves, and outcasts.

The priests cannot marry or meddle with politics.

The nuns are mostly old women.

The Burmans vary in many particulars from the Hindoos, are more active and industrious. Their desires are limited, and easily gratified in a country