visitor was Francis Wayland, D. D., LL. D., the distinguished president of Brown University. "The result of his observation," his biographers say, "so far as it related to the practicability and efficacy of the system, was highly favorable. He was particularly impressed with the earnestness and enthusiasm of the officers of instruction."1 President Wayland had just presented a report to the corporation of Brown University recommending a reorganization of its system of instruction. The changes proposed were quite in harmony with Jefferson's ideas of higher education. Both men advocated the elective system, specialization, modern studies, degrees for merit rather than for seniority, and the payment of professors, at least in some measure, according to their academic success, as shown by the number of students.

The publication of Dr. Wayland's report in 1850 is said to have marked "an era in the history of collegiate education in America." It is, however, very reasonable to suppose that Dr. Wayland had heard something of the above ideas from Harvard or from the University of Virginia. Every one of these ideas had been published by Jefferson in educational reports more than thirty years before the date of Dr. Wayland's recommendations to the corporation of Brown University. These ideas, moreover, had been actually realized at the University of Virginia, which Dr. Wayland visited doubtless for that very reason. At the time of George Ticknor's visit, the University was on the point of architectural completion, and was not yet open to students; but its proposed educational features had been described by Jefferson in manifold ways, by correspondence and by published reports, before Ticknor returned from Europe in 1819. Ideas of the University of Virginia were doubtless in the minds of educational reformers in New England before the administrations of Wayland and Quincy, and before Ticknor succeeded in putting his proposed reforms into practice in 1825. One excellent source of information concerning the good example set in the South may be found as early as the year 1820.

EDWARD EVERETT'S REVIEW OF JEFFERSON'S UNIVERSITY REPORT.

The proceedings and report of the commissioners for the University of Virginia, printed in 1818, were elaborately noticed by Edward Everett in the North American Review for January, 1820. He made the report the basis of an article of twenty-three pages on "University Education". The phenomenon of a real university at the South must have commanded not only Everett's attention, but that of other thoughtful men of his and Ticknor's time. Speaking of the literary fund of Virginia, amounting, in 1818, to $1,114,159, Mr. Everett, then one of the professors in Harvard College, said: "Nothing in the United States, except a similar fund in Connecticut, which amounts, we believe, to 'Life and Letters of Francis Wayland. By his sons, Francis W. and H. L. Wayland. Vol. II, p. 93.

between thirteen and fourteen hundred thousand dollars, can be com pared to this splendid public dotation of literature."

Mr. Everett copies into his article Mr. Jefferson's entire scheme of studies proposed for the University of Virginia. While criticising it in some points, the reviewer says: "We highly approve of the professorship of the modern languages, and could wish to see this example followed by such of our universities as have not already made provision for them. * We rejoice, too, at the kindly remembrance in which our almost forgotten ancestor, the Anglo-Saxon, is borne. An acquaintance with it unquestionably belongs to a thorough education in the English tongue."

After reviewing the entire scheme of study, Mr. Everett proceeds to discuss the two questions, what a university ought to be, and how it should be founded and supported. He regards it as a defect of the American, as well as of the English university system, "that no reference is had to the destination of the student, but that he is required to dip into the whole circle of science. "He pleads for a higher order of special education, or for the elevation of universities into professional schools. He then takes a bold stand for the support of the highest education by the state. He reviews the origin and history of European establishments of sound learning-universities which very generally were founded or are supported by the state. He contrasts this fact with the public indifference in America to higher education: "One knows not where to find the cause of the indifference which the American Government has at all periods testified to national education. One would have thought that, as a favorite object with Washington, and one of which he had himself in some sense laid a foundation, it would have found an early place among the measures adopted by the Government. It has perhaps been thought that national education should be left to the States. * But what have the States done?

In the first place, have they founded any institutions for the most important and crowning part of education-the professional-from Georgia to Maine, from New York to Indiana? Not one. They have, indeed, in some cases, patronized the existing colleges. Massachusetts, a few years since, granted $160,000 to her three colleges. New York has liberally endowed Hamilton College. Something, we believe, has been done in Pennsylvania; and Virginia is now establishing schools and universities. But are two or three hundred thousand dollars appropriated to colleges scattered over the country at vast distances from each other, and granted by independent bodies, without mutual concert or system, all that the people of America think that literature is entitled to?"

After this suggestive plea for the national endowment of higher education, Mr. Everett considers briefly the prevailing method of supporting institutions of learning by private endowment. He recognizes the fact that almost all of our literary establishments have been "alms

gifts of public-spirited men." While according to private beneficence the "warmest gratitude and praise," he takes the ground that it does not become this nation "to depend on charity for the education of our sons and the upholding of our national character." He says: "This dependence on single and private bequests of rich individuals is a relic of a state of society which never existed among us, and to which we have nothing else corresponding. In the Catholic ages, ⚫ when men thought their peace with heaven could be made at dying for lives spent in violation of all its laws, by founding or endowing public institutions for religion and literature, there was no need of the interference of the state for the erection of these establishments." Mr. Everett says that the situation has entirely changed. We now lack the means of "extorting bequests from departing profligates and heretics." There are few good men who can really afford to build colleges, regardless of the interests of their children or natural heirs. In any case, the public has no right to depend solely upon private philanthropy for the endowment of educational institutions. Mr. Everett maintained that "enlightening, instructing, and elevating the nation" is the most sacred of public duties. "Who can see without shame that the Federal Government of America is the only government in the civilized world that has never founded a literary institution of any description or sort?"

When we reflect that the establishment of university education by the State of Virginia was the immediate occasion of this extraordinary declaration, by a Harvard professor, in favor of the Federal endowment of the highest education, we shall realize that Jeffersonian ideas were capable of starting something more than a local ripple in academic circles at Cambridge. It is very interesting to note that in 1820 the only two men in the Harvard faculty who had been educated in Europe were Edward Everett1 and George Ticknor. Both were friends and

In a biographical sketch of Edward Everett (1794-1865) by Edward Everett Hale, in the Encyclopædia Britannica, it is stated that after resigning a Boston pastorate in 1814, Mr. Everett devoted five years to European study, in preparation for a professorship in Greek literature at Harvard College. Entering upon his duties about the same time as did Mr. Ticknor, Mr. Everett," for five years more gave a vigorous impulse, not simply to the study of Greek, but to all the work of the college. About the same time he assumed charge of the North American Review, which now became a quarterly; and he was indefatigable in contributing on a great variety of subjects, with a spirit like Sydney Smith's in the early days of the Edinburgh Review. He vigorously defended American institutions against the sneers of English travellers, and had reason to congratulate himself on the success of a series of articles written to bring about a better mutual understanding between Englishmen and Americans. The success of his lectures in Cambridge, and the enthusiasm aroused by the rebellion in Greece, led him to deliver a series of popular lectures on Greek antiquities in Boston. They were the first lectures on purely literary or historical subjects ever delivered in America, and were the first steps toward a system of popular entertainment and education which now has very wide sweep in the United States." In 1824 Mr. Everett resigned his professorship and became a member of Congress. He had a seat in the House for ten years. In 1835 he was elected Governor of Massachusetts, and served in that office for four years. He was United States minister to England in

correspondents of Thomas Jefferson. The broad minds of these two able professors, liberalized, like Jefferson's, by European travel and study, were moved by his suggestions to thoughts that will widen in future generations.

JEFFERSON'S COMMENT ON THE REVIEW.

Everett's review of Jefferson's report came under the eye of the latter, although it is doubtful whether he knew the authorship of the article. On the 15th of August, 1820, Jefferson wrote to his old friend, John Adams: "I have lately had an opportunity of reading a critique on this institution in your North American Review of January last, having been not without anxiety to see what that able work would say of us; and I was relieved on finding in it much coincidence of opinion, and even where criticisms were indulged, I found they would have been obviated had the developments of our plan been fuller. But these were restrained by the character of the paper reviewed, being merely a report of outlines, not a detailed treatise, and addressed to a legislative body, not to a learned academy."

1841. He was the immediate successor of Josiah Quincy as president of Harvard College in 1846, resigning two years later. He was Secretary of State under Fillmore, and later became Senator from Massachusetts. Resigning on account of his health in 1854, he devoted the rest of his life to literary pursuits. He delivered his last great oration at Gettysburg in 1865, an effort which resulted in his death that year.

CHAPTER X.

JEFFERSON'S SCHOOL OF LAW, POLITICS, AND HISTORY.

PATRIOTIC MOTIVES OF JEFFERSON.

Patriotic motives moved Jefferson to the idea that youth who were to become American citizens needed such training in moral and political science as would fit them for the practical duties of citizenship and selfgovernment. Nothing is clearer in Jefferson's educational philosophy than his recognition of the importance of moral and political education under our American system of government. Our American colleges and universities have hardly yet risen to the Jeffersonian ideal in either of these great branches of education. As a matter of fact, there is almost no recognized connection between morals and politics, either in our organized systems of instruction or in political life.

Jefferson had the idea of establishing a school of law and politics, based upon ethics, natural science, and the ancient and modern languages, which were to be associated respectively with ancient and modern history and literature. All the arts and sciences were to be tributary to the education of American citizens for their highest duties. Separate the patriotic idea from the institution of the Univer sity of Virginia and you have removed its roof and crown. Jefferson repeatedly expressed the idea that the University was patriotic in purpose; it was to be for the benefit of his State and native country. He looked upon the appointment of English professors "as one of the efficacious means of promoting that cordial good will which it is so much the interest of both nations to cherish." He wrote to the Hon. J. Evelyn Denison, a member of Parliament, that it was the interest of America to receive instruction through English teachers, and it was England's interest to furnish it; "for these two nations holding cordially together have nothing to fear from the united world. They will be the models for regenerating the condition of man, the sources from which representative government is to flow over the whole earth." Through Jeffer son's plans for university education ran a broad and generous purpose; but he was practical enough to see that America must have her own political philosophy.