sent as a present by Louis XVI at the termination of the American war, but which a merchant at Richmond, who was commissioned to forward them to the college, suffered to lie forgotten in his cellars amid hogsheads of sugar and casks of oil until, when at length he did forward them, they were totally spoiled. The funds of the college do not allow any addition to their library, which moreover is very ill kept in point of order and cleanliness."

These interesting and critical observations by an intelligent Frenchman upon the condition of William and Mary College at the close of the eighteenth century indicate very clearly that something better was needed in the way of higher education for the State of Virginia. Indeed, a project was already under discussion with a view to that desirable end, as will appear from the following striking extract from the duke's travels: "The Legislature of Virginia is said to entertain the design of founding a new college in a more central part of the State, but it is not known whether that of Williamsburg is to be taken as the groundwork of the intended establishment, or suffered to continue on its present footing and left to its own scanty resources, while the new college should be liberally endowed."

This information was perhaps received from Williamsburg professors who were familiar with Jefferson's early-cherished plan of transforming William and Mary College into a university. The reference to a "new college in a more central part of the State" is most striking, for it indicates that Jefferson's novel project was already in the air. How that new idea evolved we shall discover in the next two chapters. The duke says that Bishop Madison, and Mr. Andrews, professor of mathematics, "did me the honours of the town with that obliging politeness which I have been habitually accustomed to experience in America. In the two days which I spent at Williamsburg they introduced me to the chief part of the society of the place, which appears very much united, and to consist of well-informed men. Bishop Madison is himself a man of considerable knowledge in natural philosophy, chymistry, and even polite literature. His library, much less numerous than that of the college, consists of a more choice selection of books, especially of those relating to the sciences. He annually augments his collection by the addition of the most esteemed scientific and new publications. To him the public are indebted for meteorological observations very accurately made in different parts of Virginia, and to which he has devoted much time." With this pleasant picture of a Virginia college president of the last century, who, like President Ewell, appeared serene and hopeful in a trying situation, let us pass to a new chapter in the educational history of Virginia.

JEFFERSON'S INTEREST IN HIGHER EDUCATION.

Jefferson's interest in matters pertaining to higher education was quickened by acquaintance with Quesnay's project, by residence abroad from 1784 to 1789, and by a comparative study of the leading European

universities. In 1785, one year before the founding of the French Academy at Richmond, Jefferson was still loyal to his alma mater, and wrote to a young Virginian that he could do quite as well in most studies at William and Mary College as at foreign institutions. At that time Jefferson was inclined to favor the Italian universities, and thought Rome the best of all educational centres, because of its historic associations and its rare opportunities for art study, in which Jefferson delighted. In 1791 he had come to the conclusion that there was no place on the continent of Europe that could be compared with Geneva. Edinburgh and Geneva were, in his opinion, "the two eyes of Europe." Jefferson's educational ideals were now thoroughly European. Quesnay's project of introducing French academic culture into Virginia had its counterpart in Jefferson's scheme to transplant the College of Geneva to American shores.

THE FACULTY OF GENEVA.

In 1794 the French faculty of that latter institution became dissatisfied with their political environment, and wrote to their old friend Jef ferson, whom some of the Swiss professors had met in Paris, saying that they were willing to come out to Virginia in a body if suitable arrangements could be made for the continuance of their academic work. Jef ferson seized upon the idea at once. It was the historical origin' of his project for a cosmopolitan university, to be equipped with the best scientific talent that Europe could afford. The idea of importing a learned Irishman or a sober and attentive Scotchman to be the principal of Albemarle Academy in 1783 was perhaps a germ of this larger thought, which had been developed by European associations with Quesnay and Swiss scholars in Paris. Jefferson dreamed no longer of developing an ecclesiastical institution like old William and Mary College into a State university. He proposed now to the Virginia Legislature to make provision for the establishment of the Genevan college in Virginia.

The practically-minded Virginians thought the scheme too expensive and too grand. Jefferson then appealed to George Washington for sup port and encouragement. At that time Washington was in possession of certain stock in the Potomac and James River Companies, shares in which had been given him by the Virginia Legislature. Washington had accepted these shares upon the condition of his using them for a public educational purpose. Jefferson now urged Washington, in a long and enthusiastic letter, to employ the stock given him by Virginia for the purpose of endowing university education in his native State in the form proposed by the Swiss College of Geneva. Washington demurred; he doubted the expediency of importing a body of foreign professors not familiar with the English language and at variance politically su This subject of the influence of the Genevan project ur, 1813, Jefferson said: "I equently described as and upon Washington's idea of a national university and Early Opinions of Jesus been treated more in detail in the writer's sket Middleton's writings, especially his

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popular party in their own land. If foreign professors were to be imported, Washington thought they should not be all from one nation. He said that celebrated Scotchmen might also be obtained. By this wise counsel Jefferson was induced to restrain his enthusiasm, and when next we hear of his importing foreign professors, he had, for practical and conservative reasons, passed over to the English training ground of Oxford and Cambridge in search of candidates.

In his letter to D'Ivernois, in discouragement of the Swiss proposi tion, Jefferson unconsciously reveals the personal motive which afterward made him so strenuous upon the location of the University of Virginia in his own immediate vicinity: "I should have seen with peculiar satisfaction the establishment of such a mass of science in my country, and should probably have been tempted to approach myself to it, by procuring a residence in its neighborhood, at those seasons of the year at least when the operations of agriculture are less active and interesting." This thought of intimate association with scientific men, a thought born of old associations in Williamsburg and Paris, was never afterward abandoned by Jefferson. He clung to the idea of introducing into Virginia a few representative scholars from the Old World. This idea grew stronger after his retirement from active politics, and after his settlement at Monticello for the enjoyment of a peaceful old age. Then the thought of himself approaching a distant academic community naturally gave place to the easier and pleasanter project of making science come to the neighborhood of Monticello. That happy realization of Jefferson's dream was, however, yet a long way off. Let us consider some further indications of the dawning idea of the University of Virginia as seen in his correspondence.

DR. JOSEPH PRIESTLEY.

In 1794 Dr. Joseph Priestley emigrated to America. He was that remarkable English scholar whose natural bent towards the physical sciences Benjamin Franklin early encouraged. He is perhaps best known to the scientific world by reason of his work on the History of Electricity, published in 1767, and his contributions to the science of chemistry. He discovered what was afterwards called oxygen, and he made the beginnings of gas analysis. Perhaps the great mass of Americans would recognize Priestley's merits with alacrity if they knew that he invented soda-water, and was a good friend of the American Colonies. The man was a scientific genius, but he was born and bred a dissenter. Unfortunately, besides teaching the ancient and modern languages, grammar, oratory, law, natural science, mathematics, and philosophy, he undertook to preach dissenting doctrines. His views were too Jerin which he lived. Priestley was a Socinian, or UniJefferson's interest in ent was more abominated in England at the quickened by acquaintance wit.Unitarianism. It was rivalled only in from 1784 to 1789, and by a comparticello, February 6, 1795.

popular hatred by the French Revolution, with which Priestley sympa. thized.

In 1791 Priestley was preaching in Birmingham, where he had a congregation of dissenters, and enjoyed the society of James Watt and Dr. Darwin, grandfather of Charles Darwin. The celebration of the second anniversary of the taking of the Bastile gave rise in Birmingham to a riot, which, curiously enough, spent its fury upon the houses and chapels of dissenters of various denominations. The walls of buildings in Birmingham were placarded with phrases like these: "Damn Priestley." "No Presbyterianism." "Damn the Presbyterians."

Although Priestley had had nothing whatever to do with the political celebration, the boys in the street, sous of worthy parents, shouted out, when they saw the inoffensive pastor and scholar: "Damn Priestley; damn him, damn him, forever, forever!" It seems almost incredible that less than one hundred years ago these things should have actually occurred in the streets of Birmingham. The facts are perfectly well authenticated. Indeed, far worse things are true. Priestley's chapel and house were burned, and he and his family barely escaped from that English town with their lives. His books, papers, scientific apparatus, and all that he possessed were destroyed by a loyal and pious mob. Priestley bore this persecution meekly, and took refuge in the great city of London. There, however, even his scientific friends began to treat him with coldness, so that in 1794, as already stated, he emigrated' to this country, where he found shelter and scientific occupation in Northumberland, Pa. His son-in-law, Dr. Thomas Cooper, whom Jefferson regarded as Some idea of the bitterness of English feeling against Priestley may be derived from William Cobbett's Observations on the Emigration of Dr. Joseph Priestley, and on the Several Addresses Delivered to him on his Arrival at New York. (See Porcupine's Works, Vol. I.) Cobbett calls Priestley the "fire-brand philosopher."

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Priestley is to-day highly honored in his own land. A statue was lately erected to his memory, and Professor Huxley delivered the commemorative address, from which the above facts have been gathered. See Humboldt Library, No. 66: Technical Education and other Essays; Essay on "Joseph Priestley." See also Priestley's Autobiography, and the Life and Correspondence of Dr. Priestley, by J. T. Rutt. Priestley was born in 1733, near Leeds, and died, “clear-headed and busy to the last," at Northumberland, Pa., February 6, 1804. The Encyclopædia Britannica, in its interesting article on Priestley, says, "he was probably one of the very first teachers to appreciate the importance of physical science to early culture." Benjamin Franklin anticipated Priestley in scientific studies. These two men, with Dr. Thomas Cooper and Thomas Jefferson, were kindred spirits. To historical students Priestley is known by his Chart of History, which gained him an LL. D. at Edinburgh, and by his History of the Corruptions of Christianity, and his General History of the Christian Church to the Fall of the Western Empire. He wrote on the greatest variety of subjects,-history, politics, sociology, logic, philosophy, theology, biblical interpretation, and all the sciences of his time.

Dr. Priestley's religious writings exerted a powerful influence upon the mind of Jefferson. They were the basis of his own views, which he frequently described as "Unitarian." In a letter to John Adams, dated August 22, 1813, Jefferson said: "I have read his [Priestley's] Corruptions of Christianity and Early Opinions of Jesus over and over agaiu; and I rest on them, and on Middleton's writings, especially his

"one of the ablest men in America," also settled in Pennsylvania. In the light of the above facts, we can understand what Jefferson meant when he spoke of these two men as refugees "from the fires and mobs of Birmingham."

JEFFERSON AND PRIESTLEY.

To Dr. Priestley Jefferson wrote from Philadelphia, January 18, 1800: "We have in that State [Virginia] a college (William and Mary) just well enough endowed to draw out the miserable existence to which a miserable constitution has doomed it. It is moreover eccentric in its position, exposed to all bilious diseases, as all the lower country is, and therefore abandoned by the public care, as that part of the country itself is in a considerable degree by its inhabitants. We wish to establish in the upper country, and more centrally for the State, an university on a plan so broad and liberal and modern, as to be worth patronizing with the public support, and be a temptation to the youth of other States to come and drink of the cup of knowledge and fraternize with us. The first step is to obtain a good plan; that is, a judicious selection of the sciences, and a practicable grouping of some of them together, and ramifying of others, so as to adopt the professorships to our uses and our means. In an institution meant chiefly for use, some branches of science, formerly esteemed, may be now omitted; so may others now valued in Europe, but useless to us for ages to come. As an example of the former, the Oriental learning, and of the latter, almost the whole of the institution proposed to Congress by the Secretary of War's report of the 5th instant. Now there is no one to whom this subject is so familiar as yourself. * To you, therefore, we address our solicitations, and to lessen to you as much as possible the ambiguities of our object, I will venture even to sketch the sciences which seem useful and practicable for us, as they occur to me while holding my pen: Botany, chemistry, zoölogy, anatomy, surgery, medicine, natural philosophy, agriculture, mathematics, astronomy, geography, politics, commerce, history, ethics, law, arts, fine arts. This list is imperfect because I make it hastily, and because I am unequal to the subject. We should propose that the professors follow no other calling, so that their whole time may be given to their academical letters from Rome and to Waterland, as the basis of my own faith." There would be much less obscurity and misunderstanding about Jefferson's religious views if people would take him at his word and in the light of his relations to Priestley and Cooper. All three were Unitarians.

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1 The strongest reason for abandoning William and Mary College is given in a letter to Dr. Priestley, January 27, 1800: "As I had proposed that William and Mary, under an improved form, should be the University, and that was at that time pretty highly Episcopal, the Dissenters after a while began to apprehend some secret design of a preference to that sect."

2 In a subsequent letter to Dr. Priestley, Jefferson apologizes for the omission of languages in his university scheme, and takes occasion to pay a warm tribute to classical culture, including Greek.