Biology at Work: Rethinking Sexual EqualityRutgers University Press, 2002 M06 6 - 288 páginas Does biology help explain why women, on average, earn less money than men? Is there any evolutionary basis for the scarcity of female CEOs in Fortune 500 companies? According to Kingsley Browne, the answer may be yes. Biology at Work brings an evolutionary perspective to bear on issues of women in the workplace: the "glass ceiling," the "gender gap" in pay, sexual harassment, and occupational segregation. While acknowledging the role of discrimination and sexist socialization, Browne suggests that until we factor real biological differences between men and women into the equation, the explanation remains incomplete. Browne looks at behavioral differences between men and women as products of different evolutionary pressures facing them throughout human history. Womens biological investment in their offspring has led them to be on average more nurturing and risk averse, and to value relationships over competition. Men have been biologically rewarded, over human history, for displays of strength and skill, risk taking, and status acquisition. These behavioral differences have numerous workplace consequences. Not surprisingly, sex differences in the drive for status lead to sex differences in the achievement of status. Browne argues that decision makers should recognize that policies based on the assumption of a single androgynous human nature are unlikely to be successful. Simply removing barriers to inequality will not achieve equality, as women and men typically value different things in the workplace and will make different workplace choices based on their different preferences. Rather than simply putting forward the "nature" side of the debate, Browne suggests that dichotomies such as nature/nurture have impeded our understanding of the origins of human behavior. Through evolutionary biology we can understand not only how natural selection has created predispositions toward certain types of behavior but also how the social environment interacts with these predispositions to produce observed behavioral patterns.
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Página 1
... from the charming to the bizarre, we can be quite certain that the answer is no. Our confidence does not depend upon the fact that so much of the planet has already been canvassed by anthropologists and others; we would be Introduction.
... from the charming to the bizarre, we can be quite certain that the answer is no. Our confidence does not depend upon the fact that so much of the planet has already been canvassed by anthropologists and others; we would be Introduction.
Página 4
... fact that societies have certain emergent characteristics that no amount of atomistic study of individuals could ever predict. But it is critical to understand that some social practices are more likely to arise than others precisely ...
... fact that societies have certain emergent characteristics that no amount of atomistic study of individuals could ever predict. But it is critical to understand that some social practices are more likely to arise than others precisely ...
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... fact that the primary function of science is to ex- plain the natural world, not to justify or defend it.19 Ifit is a fallacy to argue that the biological roots of a phenomenon demonstrate its desirability—as it surely is—then it is ...
... fact that the primary function of science is to ex- plain the natural world, not to justify or defend it.19 Ifit is a fallacy to argue that the biological roots of a phenomenon demonstrate its desirability—as it surely is—then it is ...
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... that there is something “bad” about stereo- types: they are said to be inaccurate, to constitute rigid all-or-none beliefs, and to cause people to ignore individuating information. In fact, however, Chapter 2: Sex Differences in ...
... that there is something “bad” about stereo- types: they are said to be inaccurate, to constitute rigid all-or-none beliefs, and to cause people to ignore individuating information. In fact, however, Chapter 2: Sex Differences in ...
Página 14
... fact, however, existing data undermine all three of those assertions. Most studies of stereotype accu- racy have shown them to be accurate generalizations; they tend to be probabilistic, rather than categorical beliefs such as “all Xs ...
... fact, however, existing data undermine all three of those assertions. Most studies of stereotype accu- racy have shown them to be accurate generalizations; they tend to be probabilistic, rather than categorical beliefs such as “all Xs ...
Contenido
1 | |
11 | |
Women in the Workplace | 32 |
The Proximate and Ultimate Origins of Sex Differences | 91 |
Public Policy and Sex Differences in Workplace Outcomes | 131 |
Sex and the Workplace Sexuality and Sexual Harassment | 189 |
Notes | 219 |
Bibliography | 233 |
Index | 269 |
About the Author | 282 |
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activities affirmative action aggressive Alice Eagly androgens argued argument asserted attributes average behavior biological blue-collar boys career cause chapter child comparable worth comparable-worth compensation competition David Lubinski differential discrimination disparity dominance earnings effect effect size employers ences engineering environment equal evidence example explanation fact factors force full-time gender gap girls Glass Ceiling greater Gutek hierarchies higher hormones housework human husband important increase individuals influence interest kibbutz labor large numbers less levels Lubinski males and females man’s mate math and science mathematical measures men’s number of women nurturance outcomes parental leave part-time pattern percent performance physical positions preferences productivity psychology reason relatively reproductive success require responsible result salary scores selection sex differences sex segregation sexual harassment sexually dimorphic social society spatial ability statistical status stereotypes substantial suggest testosterone tion traits variables verbal ability victims wage gap woman workers workplace