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NEWS OF THE MONTH.

FEBRUARY, 1833, will remain a memorable month in the history of the British Parliament. Our space is so limited, and the business has been so various and important, that we come to it without preface. On the 29th January the Parliament as sembled, and Mr Hume proposed for Speaker Mr Littleton, a gentleman neither Whig nor Tory, but of the class formerly called independent country gentlemen. Lord Morpeth proposed the former Tory Speaker, Mr Manners Sutton. The motion was seconded by Sir Francis Burdett, and carried without a division,-all the Tory party supporting Mr Sutton. Thus closed Act First of the Reformed Parliament, and his Majesty "warmly approved" the appointment. The Royal Speech was read by the King on the 5th February. It has been described as a speech that might have suited Lord Castlereagh, in vagueness, in the finesse with which it gives the go-bye to West India Slavery and the distress of the country, and in the stern announcement of coercive measures for Ireland. The only good feature is the recognition of the principle of Parliament having a right to reform abuses in the Church. The address was moved by Lord Ormelie, who went far out of his way to attack O'Connell, and made a not very well-considered speech; and seconded by Mr. Marshall, the colleague of Mr. Macauley, in the representation of Leeds, and one of the enormous manufacturers with which Great Britain is blessed. The clause of the speech, relating to Ireland, was the bone of contention in the debate on the address, It runs thus:

"But it is my painful duty to observe, that the disturbances in Ireland, to which I had adverted at the close of the last Session, have greatly increased. The spirit of insubordination and violence has arisen to the most fearful height-rendering life and property insecure-defying the authority of the law, and threatening the most fatal consequences if not promptly and effectually repressed. I feel confident that to your patriotism I shall not resort in vain for assistance in these afflicting circumstances, and that you will be ready to adopt such measures of salutary precaution, and intrust to me such additional powers as may be found necessary for controlling and punishing the disturbers of the public peace, and for preserving in safety the Legislative Union between the two countries, which, with your support, and under the blessing of Divine Providence, I am determined to maintain, by all the means in my

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power, as indissolubly connected with the peace, security, and welfare of my dominions."

[His Majesty, it is said, delivered the last pas sages with marked emphasis.]

On the address being seconded, O'Connell rose, burning with indignation at that part of it which recommended the employment of force for putting down the grievances of his country. He called it "a brutal and bloody address"-spoke for a length of time with impassioned eloquence on the sufferings and wrongs of Ireland, and moved "that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the address." The motion was seconded by Mr. Cobbett. Mr. Stanley replied. We are indebted to Buckingham's Parliamentary Review for this graphic sketch of the Irish Secretary:—

"Mr. Stanley's exceedingly youthful appearance-that of a boy of seventeen-an! his pale countenance, smooth face, and light hair, produce a disadvantageous impression on the mere spectator; but the hearer is soon convinced that he is a man of talent, possessed of keen perceptions, capacity for close observation, excellent memory, methodical arrangement, logical deduction, great command of language, power of invective and sarcasm, and, indeed, all the elements of a finished orator and skilful debater. But, with all these advantages, (and they are both high and many) his address was calculated to awaken any impression rather than veneration or regard. Not a benevolent sentiment escaped his lips-not an enlarged view was developed by his statements-not a heart was moved to quicker palpitation, nor an eye moistened with sympathy, by all the eloquence which he displayed. And why?—It was a body without a soul-a marble statue, exact in all its proportions, but cold, inanimate, and uninspiring. He spoke of Ireland as a possession of the crown for Ministers to deal with as they saw fit. He regarded the miseries of the people as of no account, provided their impatience under those measures could be curbed, their cries stifled, and their acts of insubordination put down. He would resist to the death' any attempt at separating the government of the two countries: and his whole language, tone, gesture, and manner, wore an air of defiance, which was enough to kindle the indignation of every disinterested English heart, and more than sufficient to fill an Irish one with burning desire of justice and revenge. It was, indeed, a melancholy and almost revolting exhibition to witness, as proceeding from the ministerial benches; where now sat, silently ap proving, the very individuals who, when they occupied the Opposition benches a few years ago, would have torn such a speech to pieces, and denounced, with becoming indignation, this ever-recurring appeal to brute force, as a remedy for wrongs that this very application of force has been so instrumental in creating."

Colonel Davis protested agatnst the measure proposed for Ireland. Mr. Roebuck made an elo

MR. HUME'S MOTION ON NAVAL AND MILITARY SINECURES AND PENSIONS.-On the 14th, Mr. Hume made the most important motion yet made as a test of the sincerity of the present Government.

He said,

"He was induced to bring forward his motion, without
waiting for the Estimates for the year, because the sinecure
appointment of the Governorship of Berwick had been fl.
led up since the meeting of Parliament. The Governorship
of Londonderry had been filled up during the past year. A
Lieutenant-Governor of the Tower had also been appointed
since the last session, [one of the Fitzclarences.]
"Now, such appointments must be prevented, if that
reduction of expenditure which the country required was

to take place. What was the state of the finances of the
country? On the 5th of July last, there was a balance of
L.1,240,000 of expenditure beyond the receipts. That
fact, in the eighteenth year of peace, was one which would
saying, did not show a good state of finances.
make everybody-every man of sense-agree with him in
According
to the statement which Lord Althorp made at the end of
the last session of Parliament, he anticipated that, in the
year ending on the 5th of April next, there would be a
373-
surplus of L.773,000. He hoped that Lord Althorp's sn
ticipations would prove correct, but no one could be sure
that they would. However, supposing that they were then
deducting that surplus from the deficiency of last year, it
would leave a deficiency on the two years' accounts of only
1.476,000; so that the people might see that, if they
taxes in order to meet that deficiency. What, then, ought
wished to avoid an increase of loans, they must have new
the House to do? They must look on every side, for the
purpose of discovering the means of reducing the expendi-
ture, in order that they might avoid both new loans and
new taxes.

quent speech to the same purport; and after several that they are not the turbulent, unreasonable, exother members had spoken, the debate was adjourned. acting persons which they are represented to be, Next day, Mr. E. L. Bulwer eloquently opposed cordially approved the measure. the coercion of Ireland, and Mr. Tennyson moved an amendment on the address. By a pre-concerted plan, as it seemed, Ministers and their supporters wished to withdraw attention from the simple question of suspending the constitution in Ireland, and placing that country under martial law, and to raise the bug-bear of repeal to scare the English and Scottish members, and alarm the nation as to the ultimate views of the Repealers. O'Connell and Grattan, and other Irish members, spoke of wrongs, and grievances, bad laws, and the intolerable burden of an alien church; and the ministerial speakers, like the cunning deaf man in the story, still replied by excellent arguments against a Re.. peal of the Union. This was their line of policy, and for this they had studied; nor could the Irish members keep them to the text. Mr. Macauley was determined to make his speech, and he made it well, and again the House adjourned, having heard Mr. Shiel, (who most appositely quoted Mr. Charles Grey against Lord Grey, speech against speech,) and Mr. Charles Grant. The third day's debate was opened by Mr. Hume, who spoke admirably well on the state of Ireland, and in support of Mr.Tennyson's amendment. Several leading Whigs spoke in support of the demand for powers to coerce Ireland, and suspend law, demanded by Ministers; Lord Ebrington strongly; Mr. Fergusson, member for Kirkaldy, with many deprecations of the cruel necessity. Sir Robert Peel made a speech, which threw the Whigs into a rapture of admiration. Much good may their new ally do them! This most interesting debate lasted four days, when, on a division, 40 supported Mr. O'Connell's motion, 428 against it; for Mr. Tennyson's 60, and a majority for Ministers of 333. In the course of de-istible to men not pre-determined to support the bate, Cobbett, in his own way, keel-hauled Mr. Macauley. Shiel made his best points by commending to the Whig speakers their own former sentiments and speeches on Ireland." Random questions, put by different members, elicited the following facts, on which the nation may ruminate at leisure, 1. That Ministers have no present intention of making any change in the Corn Laws; they had many things of more importance to attend to. 2. That the Taxes on Knowledge are not to be abolished at present. Indeed the Globe, the chief Ministerial Organ, has since said, cheap knowledge could not fail to cause a revolution! and Lord Althorp has explicitly said, he will introduce no change at this time. 3d, That it was certainly intended to fill up the sinecure office of Governor of Berwick! by way, we presume, of commencing the retrenchment system. Irish affairs occupied another day; and, on the 12th, Lord ALTHORP brought in the Reform Bill for the Irish Church, which we have noticed in the section Clerical Intelligence. The Irish Members, anxious to demonstrate to the people of Britain, and to the independent Members of Parliament,

those of the two Universities, which he knew were conserv "Almost every numerous constituency in England (except ative) had called loudly for economy.'

Mr. Hume supported his motion by an array of facts and arguments, which must have been irres

most flagrant abuses. On this subject, the warm feelings of indignant honesty made Mr. Hume even eloquent:

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"He feared that sinecure appointments were sometimes given to unworthy men-

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"Who was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the Tower in the room of General Loftus? Undoubtedly some officer of long standing, who had done great service to his conntry? It was the Earl of Munster Good God! Could any thing be adduced to prove that such a plan should be Castle, which he understood was an honorary situation; pursued? That nobleman was now Governor of Windsor and he had no objection to see honours scattered far and wide, or to see men serve as amateurs.-(Laughter.) But that nobleman was succeeded in the Lieutenancy of the Tower by his brother, Lord Fitzclarence, as he understood not speak the truth; for what services had he done, or what by the public papers,-which he hoped, in this instance, did reason could be brought forward, on the part of the Government, for placing him in that situation? Who was this Lieutenant of the Tower? He entered the Coldstream Guards on the 12th of May 1814, so that he could not have begged pardon--he had forgotten Waterloo; but he would seen a shot fired.-(Laughter, and cries of "No.") He ask the honourable member who cheered, was Lord Fitzclarence there ?(Hear.) If put in comparison with many officers whose merits woul! entitle them to rewards which they did not receive, the result would be that he must sink.

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Colonel Davies supported Mr Hume's resolutions, so did Mr Cobbett, Mr Roebuck, and several other independent members. In the course of the debate, Lord George Lennox said,

"His relative, the Duke of Gordon, was Colonel of the

1st Royals, a regiment which had been in India for twentyfour years. It was a sinecure undoubtedly. (Loud cheering from the Opposition.)

"Mr. Hume. It is not a sinecure.

"He instanced the Governorship of Berwick as a perfect The division shewed for the motion 138. Against it sinecure; there was no cannon there-it had all been re- 234. Ministerial majority 94. (Of this 138, 90 moved to Edinburgh; there was no duty to perform. Blackwere English Members, 40 Irish, and 8 Scotch.) ness, Carlisle, Chester, the Leeward Isles, St. Kitt's, MontNext general election in Scotland will, we propheserrat, and other places, all had Governors, or LieutenantGovernors, who were non-residents." cy, return a larger minority on a question for the abolition of sinecures. The names of the Scottish minority are, Oswald, Glasgow; Kinloch, Dundee ; Wallace, Greenock; Gillon, Lanark; Oliphant, Perth; Dunlop, Kilmarnock; Oswald, Ayr; ana Wemyss, Fifeshire. The Skulkers are not yet precisely ascertained. It was at first said, that Lord Dalmeny had voted in the minority; but this was too much to expect of the youngling who had so recently taken his flight from under the fostering wing of so staunch an old brood hen for Scottish Whiglings. The 133, and more than this, the Skulkers, alarmed the Ministry not a little. This, and the indignation and terror of the country at hearing of law suspended in Ireland, and martial law proclaimed as the first act of a free Parliament, makes them think. They perceive that their Irish Bill cannot pass the Commons unmodified; and they get pettish, and, in the language of the servants' hall, on every trifling umbrage, threaten to give warning,—they, forsooth, will not serve longer an ungrateful, ignorant people, who refuse to place implicit confidence in their wisdom and sincerity!

"Lord G. Lennox.-The member for Middlesex said it was not a sinecure, while the member for Dublin seemed, by his cheering, to have a different opinion of the subject. He would leave them to settle the matter between them; but he was ready to admit that, in his opinion, the situation was a sinecure. Still he doubted the policy of abolishing such sinecures. If they did away with these places, in what situation would they place the officers of the Army? Let them recollect, that a Major-General, after having risked his life and spilled his blood for thirty or forty years in the service of his country, had not more than 17s. a-day. "He would not deprive his Majesty of the power of rewarding such ill-paid and meritorious men.

"Mr O'Connell said, it appeared to him that there was no sinecure more deserving of the notice of the House of Commons than the one which had been mentioned by Lord George Lennox.

"Here was a noble duke, possessing large estates and a vast income, who received a great portion of the public money for which he rendered no service. That was a state of things which could not be continued. "

Ministers and the Whig Members defended abuses against which their professions and speeches have been devotedfor fifty years, in a very lame manner. Among other things said by the famous old Whig Burdett, who seems strangely left to him self, poor man, was the following :-

UNEQUAL TAXATION.-It was an antiquated practice of the House of Commons, that redress of grievances should always precede the grant of supplies to the Crown. Acting on this obsolete entered into a long detail respecting the unequal constitutional maxim, Mr. Cobbett, on the 18th, pressure of the Stamp Duties upon the poor, as compared with the more wealthy classes in this

country. Lord Althorp admitted that Mr. Cobbett's statements were correct; but seemed to "The holders of these appointments, the continuance of think that he had made a good defence of the prewhich was attacked, were not sinecurists, but emeriti. Cal-sent Stamp Duties, when he assured the House, culations had been made as to the savings which would have accrued if the salaries and pensions of certain Speakers and others had never been granted. We were told that if the money laid out in the payment of these pensions had been put out at compound interest, it would have amounted to enough to pay off half the National Debt.

"These were the sort of preposterously theoretical arguments usually made by Mr. Hume, which Sir Francis said had nothing whatever to do with the question. Appeals to figures were always misleading, and never more than in this instance. But even if they were not misleading, he could conscientiously vote on this occasion against the motion; because he was satisfied, that the question was of comparatively little importance; not of sufficient importance to justify them in impeding the proceedings of Ministers, who were detained from much more important public business by such debates. The Colonelcy of the Duke of Gordon was no sinecure :" And so much for "Westminster's Glory."

Sir Ronald Fergusson was not quite so rampant. "He would vote for Mr. Hume's motion, if it could be shewn him that any one of those offices was a complete sinecure." But this, we presume, could not be shewn the gallant Baronet, as he voted against the motion. Many honest Members did, however, vote in support of it, and a good many more, honest in a sort, or timid knaves, skulked.

that the same principle of taxing the poor, out of all proportion more heavily than the rich, pervaded our whole system of taxation!!!

"Cobbett's," says the Spectator,* was a good speech, and answered its purpose with such an

mons.

the member for Oldham's first appearance the House:In the same excellent print we have this account of On entering the House, and turning our eyes to the Treasury Bench, the first person we saw, in the place of the black-whiskered, bluff, yeoman-like Lord Althorp, was the white-headed veteran of the radicals, Mr. Cobbett; who had taken his seat above the Minister, and thus as it were installed himself as Leader of the Reformed House of Comspeech. There was a mixture of modesty and self-possesIn the course of the evening he made a striking sion in his manner, which told weil; his elocution was calm, correct, and persuasive. He appeared to speak as one having authority, but an authority which was derived solely from the people, whose peculiar organ in the House he wished to be considered. He gave those who heard him the impression that he was saying things which had never before been uttered there, but often ought to have been. He seemed constantly to keep in view what the opinions of his constituents were likely to be touching the matter in they were the people's representatives, and only of consequestion, and wished to remind his brother members that quence as the organ of their will.”

assembly better than a more cautious exposition, were 3,700, in a healthy and rural country; in a marshy Many honourable members were quite aghast at country, 4,200; and in the Metropolis, 4,500; being about the "facts," and seemed to think that their con- 4 in 10: in Carlisle, 5,600, or 54 in 10; in Preston, Stock. stituents were as uninformed as themselves. It port, Wigan, and other places in Lancashire engaged in the cotton trade, the deaths were 6 out of 10; while in Leeds, would be impossible," said one Reformer, "to the mortality exceeded 6 out of 10;-so that 6 out of 10 of stop the indignation which would be excited by the population in the manufacturing towns died before they the statement." Alas! good gentleman, the peo- reached twenty years of age. Was not this striking fact in ple well knew all that came upon the Legislature in these towns increased facilities for health and exercise ?” itself a host of arguments for affording the working classes with the suddenness of a revelation for they He complained that there had been of late years. have paid for their knowledge. They also know much busy meddling with the recreations of the that these inequalities are neither the only nor the poor. Wakes and fairs were suppressed. It was most oppressive ones. When the leading Finance despicable cant and hypocrisy to complain of the Minister of the country feels horrified at the no- drunkenness which was said to be on the increase, tion of the value of all landed property being by while such pains were taken to curtail the innocent possibility paid to the State in the course of a hun- enjoyments of the poor, and to drive them at the dred years, the people smile at his simplicity. same time to the public-houses. There were other They know that six-sevenths of the price of every advantages connected with the providing of public ounce of tobacco, four-fifths of that of every glass walks for the lower classes: and he expected that of brandy, three-fourths of that of every bit of Mr Poulett Thomson would support him on their soap, one-half of that of every ounce of tea, is account, if on no other. He alluded to the intaken, not in a century, but daily, from the Poor creased consumption of clothing which would result and Middling classes. There is another point from it.

connected with this discussion, which should not pass unnoticed, for it is pregnant with instruction. If the mere statement be so impressive, what must the actual pressure be? If those who hear are so moved, let them guess at the opinions of those who feel! They will then find, that as the deep and stern cry for a reduction and revision of our taxation has not been idly raised, so it will not be satisfied without the full accomplishment of that primary object which Parliament was reformed and elected to effect.

PUBLICATION OF LISTS DIVISIONS.-On the 20th Mr. Harvey the liberal member for Colchester, proposed that regular lists of the votes should be taken and published, for the sake of the country; that constituents might see at a glance how their representatives voted. The motion was negatived by a majority of 48 only, few members having the assurance to say, that the country should not be informed of their manner of voting.

RECREATION FOR THE POOR, On the same day Mr Slaney moved for the appointment of a select committee, to consider the best means of securing open spaces in the vicinity of towns, for the health and recreation of the poor as public walks, &c. He said the Enclosure Acts* had deprived the poor of almost every inch of open space throughout the country. The population of Manchester, which amounted to 187,000 persons, had no public walk or open space in the immediate vicinity, wherein to take exercise on Sunday, or after the hours of work were over,

"

“He was not acquainted with the philosophy of mind which supposed that clothes were merely worn as articles of covering. (A laugh.) A plain man like himself, and still more his noble friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, might to be sure, wear coats and waistcots for no other purpose; (Great laughter ;) but nine-tenths of the House, and of mankind, and, without offence be it stated, of workmen, wore clothes. chiefly as a means of gratifying the ruling passion, love of distinction. (Hear! and a laugh.) That principle pervaded all ranks; and the lady's maid took as much pride in her brilliant riband as her Duchess mistress could in her diamond tiara. But unless there were pleasure grounds and public walks for the artisans, and their wives and daughters, to exhibit themselves in, was it not evident that there was a drawback on that stimulus to industry which the wearing of fine clothes would generate P

He concluded by observing, that by sanctioning plans like this, for increasing the comforts of the poor, they would remove much discontent, and earn a rich harvest of gratitude. ****

Dr Baldwin seconded the motion; and said, that the health and comfort of the poor would be more benefited by rendering their dwellings cleaner, and the lanes in which they were, built wider, than even by providing them with pleasure-grounds, though the latter also were very desirable. 991

CORPORATIONS.-Lord Althorp moved for a Select Committee to inquire into the state of Corporations in England only, for the Lord Advocate said he needed no information about Scottish boroughs; and Mr. Hume added, that a former Committee had elicited extensive information.

SCOTTISH ENTAILS.-A Committee was appointed on Entails.

"But, perhaps, the want of such open spaces for air and GRAND JURY BILL.-Mr. Stanley brought in exercise for our manufacturing population, pent up all day Bill to reform the iniquities of the system of Grand in the close air of their workshops, would appear more strik-Juries in Ireland, which seems very well intended, ing if submitted to them as a question of medical policy. Of 10,000 persons under twenty years of age, the deaths

Witness our own North Loch and Castle-hill; the last inch of the former, wrested from the poor of Edinburgh only a few months back!

however it may operate. Notices are given by several of the independent members for very important motions, to which we can only advert after they are discussed.

This, in substance, is the business done, and

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talked of in the House of Commons, from the 29th ing of the Bill, there was a desultory conversation January to the 22d of February.

THE PEERS.

between the Tory and Ministerial Members, and Lord Cloncurry, and Lord Teynham, made some Or the House of Hereditary Legislators, we attempts at opposition of so strong a measure. have little to report. The address, in answer to The former denied, (as many Irish Members have the King's Speech, was moved by the Marquis done in the House of Commons,) that Ireland was of Conyngham, and seconded by Lord Kinnaird. in the state described by Earl Grey; and the latter The first is the son of the fair favourite of the late gave notice of an amendment, providing that the King; the second, we are sorry to observe, has proclamation of a district should not issue but broken his collar-bone, or otherwise received injury under the seal of six Privy Councillors. On the at Melton Mowbray, since he performed the above third reading, this public-spirited Peer declared piece of Parliamentary duty. There was no oppo- the measure a violent infringement of the Constisition to the address, though the Earl of Aberdeen tution; and asserted, that it would add to the premaundered a little about Holland and Portugal. | vailing irritation, instead of allaying it. The Bill The Duke of Wellington followed his track. All was carried with a new clause against signals, by agreed in recommending measures of severity for rockets, bonfires, trumpets, &c., &c.; and Earl Ireland; and Lord Grey brought in his Bill. Grey brought in a second, giving powers to change the venue, either to Dublin, or to the county adjoining the place where the offence was committed, which change of county, if it mean any thing, must mean to any one of the three or four neighbouring counties, by which every shire is necessarily bounded STATE OF FEELING IN THE COUNTRY.

Our account of the proceedings in Parliament, taken in connexion with the copious extracts we have given from those prints which quickly sympathize with, and accurately represent, national feeling, sufficiently indicates the tone of the public mind. It is not satisfactory. The King's speech caused deep disappointment by the vagueness and mystery maintained on every point connected with

IRISH COERCION BILL.-This Bill, moved by Lord Grey in the House of Peers, and carried through with as much haste as the forms of the House permitted, consists of thirty-nine clauses, and is to remain in force till August 1834. It provides: 1st, That the Lord Lieutenant may suppress any meeting at his pleasure; 2nd, May declare any district disturbed, and proclaim it accordingly. Under such proclamations are included many felonies :It is felony to be found from home after sunset, to meet for any political purpose, or to discuss matters connected with church or state. When the Lord Lieutenant's ukase appears in the Dublin Gazette, that is publication enough. The people are to know by instinct that it is issued; and disobedience is thenceforward misdemeanour or felony, accord-internal policy, and substantial reforms; and by ing as it is provided. The trials are to be by the extraordinary and violent reference to Irish courts-martial; and the Habeas Corpus is suspended affairs. Negro Slavery, the China Monopoly, the by virtue of this act. To the military tribunals, by Corn Laws, the Taxes on Knowledge, were all which the parties are tried, indemnity is secured in passed over in a silence, which has issued in open case of ulterior proceedings in courts of law. The declarations against them all. The Bank Charter act gives the right of searching any house after must be renewed; the Corn Laws cannot be consunset for persons or arms; and if any person has veniently revised; the Taxes on Knowledge will arms after having been called upon to give them not be abolished, though to this Lord Althorp abup, it is a misdemeanour punishable by a court-solutely pledged the Government two years back. martial. We cannot enumerate half the provi- Pensions and sinecures must be upheld, and Iresions of this extraordinary act. It is enough to land must be treated worse than ever it was treatsay, in a word, that it annihilates, for the time, every ed by Castlereagh, or when it was in open rebellion, safeguard of freedom; giving to the Viceroy of in order that tithe arrears may be collected; the Ireland powers, equal to those possessed by Lau- Government having wisely assumed the office of derdale and his military myrmidons during the Tithe Proctor-General for the Irish Church. The worst time of the Scottish persecution. The Tory Ministers are playing a bad and a false game. To Lords were delighted with this Bill. Their rea- conciliate the Court and the Tory faction, whom sons may be twofold. They love, for its own they never can honestly conciliate, they seek to sake, every stretch of unconstitutional and arbitrary outrage and oppress Ireland; and as surely will power; and also, as such measures may accustom they alienate Britain, and make shipwreck of the Englishmen and Scotchmen 'to military law, and faith to which they professed adherence, till the time the alienation of their rights on the demand of arrived, when doctrine might be shewn in practice. a Government and farther, because they hope Many allege that this is the natural genius of that it will shake the confidence of the countryWhiggism; we incline to believe that disunion in the Whigs; and, if persisted in, make them among themselves, the headlong aristocratic vioutterly odious to the people. Eldon, Welling.lence of the Irish Secretary, and Tory arts, have ton, and the most ultra Tory among the Irish been too much for them. Their position is now in Peers applauded to the echo, a measure too strong every way critical; but they owe it to themselves. for themselves and which even Castlereagh would A minority in the Peers is their sure fate, save in have shrunk from proposing. On the second read-such measures as coercing Ireland, and infringing

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