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his popularity out-of-doors was steadily declining through a variety of causes, except, indeed, in Scotland. Thither during the recess of 1834, he accordingly betook himself, making what was little short of a royal progress, and being received with true Scotch fervor by a people who, it must be owned, had good reason to be proud of their illustrious fellow-countryman. Unfortunately, it threw the Chancellor off his balance; and at Inverness he had the bad taste to say he would write “by that night's post ” to the King an account of his reception. At Edinburgh, speaking at a dinner given to Earl Grey, his egotism was also manifested indiscreetly. He returned to London, inflated by the homage he had received ; but, alas, in a few weeks the Melbourne Ministry was a thing of the past. By an arbitrary and unusual exercise of his prerogative, the King called the Conservative leaders to his councils (November 1834).

The new Lord Chancellor was Lord Lyndhurst, and with a singular want of dignity, Brougham wrote to him, soliciting (without salary) the office of Chief Baron of the Exchequer. This action provoked, however, such very general disapprobation that Brougham was compelled to recall it. The Peel Cabinet did not long retain the reins

On a dissolution of Parliament it was found that the country had not wholly withdrawn its confidence from the Whig leaders, and Peel, being defeated in the Commons on Lord John Russell's motion respecting the Irish Church, sent in his resignation (April 8, 1835), Melbourne was again sent for, and Brougham began to exult in the prospect of regaining the Great Seal; but the Whig Prime Minister had suffered so much from his indiscretion, his vanity, his insubordination, and his petulance, that he resolved, at whatever risk, to exclude

of power.

him from his Government. “Although he will be dangerous as an enemy,” said Melbourne, “ he would be certain destruction as

a friend.

We may have small chance of going on without him, but to go on with him is impossible.” To pacify him for a time, the Great Seal was put in commission, so that Brougham did not absolutely abandon the hope of again taking his place on the woolsack, and throughout the session of 1835 he vigorously supported Lord Melbourne. In truth, it was entirely through his perseverance and courage that the Municipal Reform Bill passed through the Lords. Some idea of his untiring activity may be found from the subjects of debate which, in this one session, he discussed with all his characteristic force and eloquence. The list compels our admiration of his versatility : “Address to the King-Administration of Justice in Ireland

Admission of Ladies-- Agricultural Distress—Breach of Naval Discipline - Bribery at Elections - Borough Reform in Scotland-Business, Delay of-Canada Central Criminal Court-Charities—Church of Ireland Church of England—Church of Scotland-Church Property_Church Rates—Commissioners of Law InquiryCommissioners of Public Instruction Committees of Privilege-Constabulary of Ireland—Corporation Commission - Corporation Reform-Corn Laws - Counsel for Prisoners—Dissenters' Marriages-Dissolution of the Ministry—Dublin Police-Duty on Paper-Ecclesiastical Courts—Education-Entails in Scotland — Houses of Parliament, New-Imprisonment for Debt-Indemnity to Witnesses—Islington Market-London University Marriage Law-Music and Dancing--Newspaper Stamps -Oaths Abolition Bill—Patents-Poor Law, the New

- Post Office—Prison Discipline-Processions in Ireland-Russia and Austria--Sheriff's Accounts—Slavery

-spain-Szoke Paris-Tases on Knowledge—Tithes,
Perstery of — Tithes of Turnips Exemption Bill —
Universi:y Oaks- Western, Great, Railway- Wills,
Execution of-Writ of Certiorari, Abolition of."

Towards the end of the year, Sir Charles Pepys was marie Lord Chancellor, and raised to the peerage as Lord Cottenham This was a very severe blow to Brougham. I am disposed to think that he was not very well used ; that his great services to the Liberal party might and should have been allowed to counterbalance his unfortunate peculiarities of temper and character ; but when this admission has been made, I can see no justification for the spirit of hostility in which he thenceforth acted towards the Whig Government. A private wrong cannot excuse an abandonment of public duty; and it was an unedifying spectacle to see a man who had been one of the foremost leaders of the Whigs, now pouring out upon them all the vials of his bitterest acrimony. In the first session of Queen Victoria's first Parliament his opposition was so violent as to destroy its own influence. His unscrupulous and sarcastic eloquence wounded the feelings of many, but gained the votes of none. Who could believe in his sincerity ? Who could credit his protestations of disinterested zeal for the public good ? The spretæ injuria formæ rankled in every speech, and oblivious of principle, oblivious of selfrespect, oblivious of bis obligations to the Liberal cause, he “squảndered the remains of his public character” in efforts to ruin the party of which he had once been the pride and ornament. On one occasion he attacked his former colleagues with exceptional virulence:

“Thoy rush,” he said, "unheeding, unhesitating, unreflecting,

into resolutions upon which the wisest and readiest of mankind would hardly pause and ponder too long. But when all is determined, when every moment's delay is fraught with peril, then comes uncertainty and irresolution. They never pause until the season has arrived for action, when all faltering, even for the twinkling of an eye, is fatal, then it is that they relapse into supineness and inactivity-look around them and behind them, and everywhere but before them, and sink into repose as if all had been accomplished at the moment when everything remains to be done. If I were to ransack all the records to which I have ever had access of human conduct in administering great affairs, whether in the annals of our own time or in the ages that are past, I should in vain look for a more striking illustration of the Swedish Chancellor's famous saying to his son, departing to assist at a congress of statesmen, 'I, fili mi, ut videas quantula sapientia regatur mundus.'»

Well might Lord Melbourne condemn, in terms of dignified reproval," the torrent of invective and sarcasm with which the noble and learned lord had overwhelmed the officers of her Majesty's Government, and that most laboured and most extreme concentration of bitterness which had been poured forth on this occasion.”

It is pleasant to turn from this disagreeable spectacle to a brighter aspect of his indefatigable activity. As President of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge (founded in 1826), he did good work; the publication of the Penny Magazine and the Penny Encyclopædia, gave the first impulse to a beneficent movement which, in our own time, has attained to almost colossal proportions. He wrote leading articles and pamphlets, and contributed with Briarean activity to the Edinburgh Review. The mistrust, however, with which the editor and the chief writers in that timehonoured organ of Whig politics regarded him, is

-Spain-Stoke Pogis—Taxes on Knowledge-Tithes,
Recovery of — Tithes of Turnips Exemption Bill —
University Oaths— Western, Great, Railway - Wills,
Execution of-Writ of Certiorari, Abolition of.”

Towards the end of the year, Sir Charles Pepys was made Lord Chancellor, and raised to the peerage as Lord Cottenham. This was a very severe blow to Brougham. I am disposed to think that he was not very well used ; that his great services to the Liberal party might and should have been allowed to counterbalance his unfortunate peculiarities of temper and character ; but when this admission has been made, I can see no justification for the spirit of hostility in which he thenceforth acted towards the Whig Government. A private wrong cannot excuse an abandonment of public duty; and it was an unedifying spectacle to see a man who had been one of the foremost leaders of the Whigs, now pouring out upon

them all the vials of his bitterest acrimony. In the first session of Queen Victoria's first Parliament his opposition was so violent as to destroy its own influence.

His unscrupulous and sarcastic eloquence wounded the feelings of many, but gained the votes of

Who could believe in his sincerity ? Who could credit his protestations of disinterested zeal for the public good? The spretæ injuria formoe rankled in every speech, and oblivious of principle, oblivious of selfrespect, oblivious of bis obligations to the Liberal cause, he “squandered the remains of his public character” in efforts to ruin the party of which he had once been the pride and ornament. On one occasion he attacked his former colleagues with exceptional virulence:

none.

"They rush,” he said, “unheeding, unhesitating, unreflecting,

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