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1621, the Commons drew up a petition, prepared by Coke, against the growth of Papacy; but James, having information of it, anticipated its receipt by a violent letter to the Speaker, prohibiting the House from interfering in any matter which concerned his Government, or the mysteries of State. He added that he meant not to spare any man's insolent behaviour in Parliament. The Commons temperately replied that their liberty of speech was their ancient and undoubted right and privilege, to which James vehemently rejoined that their privileges were derived from the grace and permission of his ancestors and himself. Against this unguarded declaration of absolutism, the Commons, on the 18th of December, recorded a memorable protest, in which they solemnly affirm that the liberties and jurisdiction of Parliament are the ancient and undoubted birthright and inheritance of the subjects of England; that the affairs of the king and the State, of the defence of the realm, and of the Church of England, the making of laws and the redress of grievances, are fit subjects of debate in Parliament; that in handling such business, any member of the House had, and of right ought to have, freedom of speech; and that every member had like freedom from all impeachment, imprisonment, and molestation, except by the censure of the House itself.

Before making this protest the Commons had consulted Selden, and obtained from him a long, learned, and lucid exposition of the rights of Parliament and the limits of the prerogative. His share in the business was so obnoxious to the Court that he was arrested, and placed in charge of the Sheriffs of London; but, through the good offices of Bishop Williams, he was released after a few weeks' imprisonment. Thenceforward he was

committed to the advocacy of the cause of constitutional reform. Perhaps it would not be extravagant to represent him as an exponent of those political principles which are now identified with Whiggism.

Selden's pen was next employed by the House of Lords on a knotty question of constitutional law, and his work on "The Privilege of the Baronage” was first printed in 1642. He also wrote a short and not very complete treatise on "The Judicature of Parliament." In 1623, he edited and annotated the "Historia Novorum" of Eadmer, the monk of Canterbury.

Entering public life as one of the members for Lancaster, in the Parliament which assembled in February, 1624, Selden ranged himself on the popular side. He took part in the impeachment of Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex, for bribery, and joined in the debates which terminated in the abolition of monopolies. In the First Parliament of Charles I. he sat for Great Bedwin. Associated with Coke, and Pym, and Eliot, he gained immeasurably in self-respect and self-reliance, displaying a courage of which he had never before been considered capable. In each great constitutional debate he played a worthy part; and his learning proved of immense value to the cause, by showing that the claims of the Commons were founded upon indisputable precedent, and that they contended only for the restoration of their "ancient and undoubted birthright and inheritance." The change which had come over his temper is best appreciated by reference to the fact that he was one of the eight members whom the Commons appointed to present their articles of impeachment against the Duke of Buckingham (1626). Charles interfered to save his favourite by summarily dissolving Parliament.

The Third Parliament of Charles I. was opened on the 17th of March, 1628, and Selden again took his seat among the leaders of the constitutional party. He spoke frequently, and although no orator, he always secured the attention of the House by his learning, gravity, and moderation. His influence was powerfully felt in the debates upon the "Petition of Right," which reasserted the ancient liberties of England, and their glorious success was not a little due to his strenuous effort.

The Petition, after stirring vicissitudes, received the royal assent on the 7th of June; but Charles was as resolute as ever to maintain the arbitrary prerogatives he had inherited from the Tudors, and his assent was a shadow and a mockery. To keep men in prison without bringing them to trial, so that they might prove their innocence, was the kingly privilege he valued most highly, and the judges assured him that his assent to the petition did not involve its abandonment. Therefore the contention between king and Parliament was not at an end; it had only begun. Flushed with the consciousness of their strength, the Commons, however, with much assistance from Selden, proceeded to discuss the reforms that were necessary in Church and State, and especially the need of limiting the power of the Crown to impose taxation at will. So long as it could raise money of its own volition, so long would it remain independent of Parliamentary control. In earnest about the full performance of their task, the Commons drew up two energetic remonstrances-one against the Duke of Buckingham, the other declaring that "tonnage and poundage," like every tax, could be levied only in virtue of the law (21st June). Then Charles lost patience. Having obtained sufficient subsidies to supply his needs,

he thought he was free to go his own course. Hurrying down to the Lord's House he prorogued Parliament until the 20th of October, and thus abruptly closed a session rendered famous by that Petition of Right to which in later times the people always appealed; to which, as Dr. Lingard says, the Crown was eventually compelled to submit.

During the recess, Selden addressed himself with eagerness to his old avocations, and prepared and published his "Marmorea Arundeliana," a learned description. of the valuable relics of ancient art which the Earl of Arundel had recently brought to England. He also composed two ecclesiastical and legal treatises, "Of the Original of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of Testaments,' and "Of the Disposition or Administration of Intestate's Goods."

He was recalled to the stir and stress of political controversy when Parliament had reassembled on the 20th of January, 1629. In the interval, Buckingham had fallen, stricken to death by an assassin's knife; but the grounds of quarrel between king and Commons had undergone no alteration. The debates soon acquired a tone of indignant bitterness, and religious questions added fresh fuel to the gradually spreading fire. Charles endeavoured to check them, and on the 28th of February, sent down a message commanding the House to adjourn until the 10th of March. But understanding that this adjournment was a prelude to a prelude to a dissolution, Eliot, Selden, Holles, and others, resolved to put forward a formal declaration of the House, recording for the edification of the people the result of its debates on the illegal levy of taxation, and the encouragement given to Popery and Arminianism. After delivering the royal message,

the Speaker made a movement to leave the chair, but Denzil Holles and Benjamin Valentine, probably by a preconcerted arrangement, sprang forward, laid hold of his arm on either side, and firmly held him down. The suddenness of the surprise discomfited Finch, and Sir John Eliot, taking advantage of the pause, addressed the House, which listened to him without interruption, but in a state of growing excitement :

"You know," he cried, "how our religion is attempted; how Arminianism like a secret pioneer undermines it; how Popery like a strong enemy comes on openly! Among the enemies of true religion, and the authors of their troubles were some prelates of the Church. I denounce them," he continued, "as enemies to His Majesty. Whoever have occasioned these public breaches in Parliament for their private interests and respects, the felicity has not lasted to a perpetuity of that power. None have gone about to break Parliaments but in the end Parliaments have broken them. . . . It is fit for us," he added, "as true Englishmen, in discharge of our duties, to show the affection that we have to the honour and safety of our sovereign, to show our affection to religion, and to the rights and interest of the subject. It befits us to declare our purpose to maintain them, and our resolution to live and die in their defence. That so, like our fathers, we may preserve ourselves as free men, and by that freedom keep ability for the supply and support of His Majesty, when our services may be needful. To which end this paper which I hold was conceived, and has this scope and meaning."

A storm of voices broke forth, and members started from their seats either to defend or menace the dismayed Speaker, or to seek a hearing amid the tumult. Twice was the Speaker bidden to put the declaration to the vote; twice, with tears, he protested that the king had otherwise ordered him. He made a second effort to

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