66 1 IV. 1789. Lab. iii. Parl. i. 336. the Molleville, 13. Hist. to Bertrand de Hist. de la general enchantment. But hardly had they sat down CHAP. when they received a proof that, even in that moment of general enthusiasm, the ambition and passions of the world possessed the hearts of the assembly. The sovereign, on resuming his seat, put on his hat; the nobles, jealous of the privilege they had been wont to assert in former States-general, had the imprudence to do the same. Some members of the Tiers Etat, resolved to assert an equal pretension for their order, immediately covered themselves: the cries, "On with your hats," Uncover," "Off hats," were heard on all sides; and the meeting was about to be seriously disturbed by an incident which, how trifling soever itself, was important, as revealing the secret divisions of the members, when the King, with admirable presence of mind, feigning be incommoded by the heat, took off his hat, and whole assembly, having no longer a pretence for cord, followed his example, and tranquillity was restored.1 The keeper of the seals followed with a studied 10. harangue, which told little. It contained only one Speech of sentence of importance, which related to the representation and voting by head;* but that favoured the union of the orders. M. Necker was now casioned. anxiously looked for and a breathless suspense pervaded the assembly when he began his speech. But never was disappointment more universal than was felt as it proceeded. It contained nothing which threw a light on the views of the court in regard to the allimportant question of the mode of voting; and, instead, abounded with tedious details on taxes and retrenchments, which had ceased to excite any interest in the public mind. In truth, notwithstanding his abilities, dis Rév. i. 166. M. Necker, double and general disappoint rather mentit oc * "En déférant à cette demande (la double représentation) sa Majesté n'a point changé la forme des anciennes délibérations; et quoique celle par tête en ne produisant qu'un seul resultat, paraisse avoir l'avantage de faire mieux connaître le désir général, le roi a voulu que cette nouvelle forme ne puisse s'opérer que du consentement libre des états-généraux, et avec l'approbation de sa Majesté."-Histoire Parlementaire, i. 338. + Such is the following:-"Le tabac se vend aujourd'hui râpé dans presque CHAP. IV. 1789. 1 Hist. Parl. i. 363, 373. Mig. i. 35. June 6. the Swiss minister entirely mistook the signs of the times. Pressed by the needy state of the public treasury, his attention was exclusively fixed on the means of replenishing it. He persisted in considering the crisis as financial, when in reality it had become social; as arising from embarrassments of government, when these, all-important in a former stage, had yielded to a more absorbing passion; and when the crisis was now forced on by the growing importance and ambition of the people. He spoke to them of accounts when they wanted to hear of principles, and dwelt on the means of extinguishing the deficit when their attention was directed to filling up the blanks in the constitution. Thus his speech pleased few, and disappointed many. He hoped to accommodate his measures to the public exigencies, without compromising or breaking with any party. He was aware that the ancient system of government could not be maintained, but he trusted that the divisions in the political parties would enable him to repair the machine without destroying it. By this he lost the confidence of all. Conciliatory measures are admirable, when they are founded on reforms which remove a practical evil; they are ruinous when they proceed on a balance of mutual jealousies, or a blind concession to popular menaces. Then they disappoint all, without attaching any." 1* No debate followed these official speeches, but the assembly broke up in an orderly manner at half-past four o'clock. Next day, however, the great contest toute la France: cette méthode a beaucoup augmenté la ferme du tabac.”— Moniteur, 5th to 10th May 1789. * In Necker's financial statement, which was laid before the States-general, he represented the This, however, was the fixed expenses, as Necker called them; and when the floating debt was added, the deficit was 113,000,000, or £4,520,000 more. IV. 1789. 11. Commencement of the contest be orders. upon which the eyes of all France were fixed began in CHAP. its bosom. The three orders met, as on the preceding day, in one room, but afterwards repaired to the halls appointed for their separate meetings. That of Menus, in which they had met on the preceding day, ment being by much the largest, was set apart for the Tiers tween the Etat, whose numbers equalled that of the two others taken together. This circumstance, in This circumstance, in appearance trivial, was attended with important effects: for being styled the "Salle des Etats-Généraux," and the theatre of their first and common assemblage, it gave that aspiring body a colourable pretext to consider and represent themselves as in effect the national representatives. Having taken their places there, the skilful leaders of the commons affected to feel surprised that they were not joined by the other two orders, with a view to proceed jointly to the verification of their powers, and meanwhile did nothing. While this was going on in the Salle de Menus, the other two orders were proceeding rapidly with the separate verification of their powers the clergy having resolved on that step by a majority of 133 to 114; and the nobles by one of Droz, ii. 188 to 47. No sooner were these votes announced to Puisaye, i. the Tiers Etat than they broke up their meeting, with- ii. 15, 16. out having taken any step to constitute themselves a separate body.1 On the following day, so quickly did the germs of the Revolution develop themselves at this crisis, an event occurred hardly less important on its ultimate fortune, than the contest of the orders, now openly This was clearly demonstrated by Calonne in his work on the state of France, and indeed it is inconceivable that a deficit which Brienne, only the year before, had admitted was 165,000,000 francs, should, without the imposition of a single new tax, have fallen to 57,000,000. In the "Etat de la Dette Publique,” published by the Constituent Assembly in 1790, the real deficit was stated to be at that time 189,000,000 francs, or £7,560,000.-See Histoire Parlementaire de France, i. 375, 378. Calonne, in 1790, stated the real deficit, on grounds apparently very satisfactory, at 255,724,000 francs, or £10,228,000 yearly.-See CALONNE, L'Etat de la France présente et à venir, 36, 37; and Etat de la Dette Publique, 47. 1 Hist. Parl. .384, 385. 179, 180. 197. Lab. IV. 1789. 12. First inter the electors and muni cipality of Paris with the govern ment. May 6. CHAP. commenced. Mirabeau had begun a journal on the debates of the Assembly, entitled-"Journal des EtatsGénéraux;" and government, conceiving such a publication from such a hand dangerous at this moment, had ference of ordered its suppression. Upon this the electors of Paris, who were still engaged, as they were in many other parts of France, with the drawing up of their cahiers, met at the Hotel de Ville, passed unanimously and published an arrêté, or resolution, protesting against this act of authority, which they directed to be sent to the chambers of the clergy and the nobles, accompanied by an earnest invitation to them to unite themselves to the Tiers Etat, procure the revocation of the arrêté of the royal council complained of, and obtain for the National Assembly the immediate liberty of the press.* Such was the commencement of the direct interference of the electors of Paris in the affairs of government, which subsequently, when applied through the organ of the municipality which they had elected, became of such paramount importance, and produced at once the most daring acts and detestable crimes of the Revolution.1 1 Hist. Parl. i. 383. On the 7th May the three orders again met in their respective chambers: the Tiers Etat still occupying the central Hall of Menus, and waiting, or pretending to wait, for the expected junction of the other orders. The con * "L'Assemblée du Tiers Etat de la Ville de Paris réclame unanimement contre l'Acte du Conseil qui supprime le Journal des Etats Généraux, et en défend les suites, et qui prononce des peines contre l'imprimeur, sans néanmoins entendre par là approuver ni blâmer le journal; elle réclame en ce que cet Acte du Conseil porte atteinte à la liberté publique au moment où elle est le plus précieuse à la nation; en ce qu'il viole la liberté de la Presse réclamée par la France entière; en ce qu'enfin cet Acte rappelle au premier moment de la liberté nationale une police et des règlemens qui avaient été suspendus par la sagesse et la bonté du roi; et en conséquence, l'Assemblée du Tiers a unanimement résolu que le présent arrété sera présenté aux Chambres du Clergé et de la Noblesse, et qu'ils seront invités à se réunir au Tiers, pour faire révoquer le dit Acte du Conseil, et pour procurer à l'Assemblée Nationale la liberté provisoire de la Presse."-Histoire Parlementaire de la France, i. 383. With such fair requests and so reasonable a representation did the infernal atrocities of the electors and municipality of Paris commence. Mirabeau's journal was continued under the name of " Courrier de Provence." CHAP. 1789. 13. The Tiers Etat insist for one As which com business. May 7, test was now openly commenced; the deputies of the commons alleged that they could not verify their powers till they were joined by the whole Estates, while the clergy and nobles had already verified theirs in their separate chambers, and were ready to begin business. For several weeks they daily met in the great hall, and sembly, vainly waited for the accession of the other orders. They pletely stops the public attempted nothing, but simply trusted to the force of inactivity to compel the submission of their opponents. 1789. It was soon evident that this state of things could not long continue. The refusal of the commons to constitute themselves occasioned a complete stoppage to every sort of business, while the urgent state of the finances, and the rapidly increasing anarchy of the kingdom, loudly called for immediate activity. Meanwhile the firmness of the Third Estate occasioned the utmost agitation in Paris, and crowds of all classes daily came to Versailles, to encourage the members in their courageous resistance to the measures of the court.1 Lac. vii. 37. Th. i. 50, 53. 29. Mig. i. 45, 46, 49, 14. contest be Advantages mons. In this contest the advantage evidently lay on the side of the commons. The state of the finances rendered it Violent absolutely necessary that the States-general should com- twixt the mence their labours: their dissolution, therefore, was not parties. to be apprehended. On the other hand, by simply of the comremaining in a state of inactivity, they did nothing which could apparently justify harsh measures, and there was every reason to believe that they would ultimately weary out their antagonists. They had gained the immense advantage in social contests-that of being in a position where, by simply resting and remaining passive, they achieved their object, and forced the initiative upon their opponents. Any decided measure on the part of government to stop this fatal inaction, was sure to meet with the most violent opposition. The force of public opinion, always at first, in civil commotions, on the side of resistance, was daily strengthening their cause. The agitation of the capital was intimidating their adversaries, and the |