IV. 1789. under our safeguard; let us put them beyond the reach CHAP. of their enemies; let their names be for ever inscribed on our annals, as the first conquerors of prejudice." The effects of this first secession were soon apparent on the following day six other curés made their appearance, and were received with the like enthusiasm; but by the sage advice of the Abbé Grégoire, one of their number, after answering to their names when the roll was called, they returned to the chamber of the clergy, both to give an account of the reception they had met with, and to strengthen the hands of their party in their own order. The great division of opinion in it was well known a hundred curés had already held separate meetings, and were resolved to join the Tiers Etat; and it was only by the efforts of the Abbé Coster, acting for the Arch- ii. bishop of Paris, that this great schism was adjourned from day to day.1 Hist. Parl. Lab. iii. 53, i. 441, 442. 54. Droz, 202. 51. Debates on the title Etat were June 14. Encouraged by the prospect of this powerful support, and by the hourly increasing agitation of the capital, as well as the intelligence of disturbances in the provinces, the Tiers the Tiers Etat made a further and still more decisive step to assume. in the career of usurpation. It was no longer a question whether they should, of their own authority, constitute themselves the representatives of the nation: the only doubt was what title they should assume. Sièyes, who again took the lead, proposed that they should style themselves" The Assembly of the known and verified Representatives of the French Nation." "This," said he, "is the only name which can be assumed in strict accordance with the fact, for we have not lost the hope of seeing united to us the still absent members of the other orders: the moment they appear, whether individually or collectively, our doors will be open to receive them, and we will hasten to concur with them in the great work of the regeneration of France."2 Loud applause followed these words, and numerous orators were hastening to the tribune i. 443, 444. to inscribe their names for the support of the motion, 2 Parl. Hist. CHAP. when Mirabeau excited universal surprise by demanding to be heard against it. IV. 1789. 52. by Mira beau. "We are about," said he, "to depart from that circle within which your wisdom has long kept you circumscribed. Speech in opposition Time, meanwhile, has rolled on; the pretensions, the usurpations of the two other orders have increased; your wise caution has been taken for weakness hopes have been entertained that weariness, uneasiness, the public misfortunes, unavoidable in such unheard-of circumstances, would precipitate you into some step either pusillanimous or inconsiderate. Now is the time to reassure every mind to inspire your adversaries with the restraint, the fear, I had almost said the terror, of respect, by showing, in the very outset of your measures, the foresight of skill joined to the firmness of reason. Every one of Every one of you feels, gentlemen, how easy it would now be, by vehement speeches, to impel you to extreme measures; your rights are so evident, your demands so simple, the proceedings of the two other orders so clearly irregular, their principles so contestable, that any parallel between them and you is out of the question. It is said we must constitute ourselves, and assume a denomination. Unquestionably we must; but let us take care that, in the assumption of a name, we do not give a handle to our enemies, and undo in one day the work of six weeks. "The States-general,' -all admit such a title would be improper: it supposes three orders, and we are but one. But it is said we may find another name, nearly synonymous, without implying the whole three orders. But the question always recurs, have you the sanction of the King for such an assumption, and can you dispense with it? Can the authority of the monarch slumber an instant? Is it not indispensable that he should concur in your decree? Is it not by that concurrence alone that he is bound by it? And even if we should deny, contrary alike to principle and precedent, that his concurrence is necessary to render obligatory every act of this assembly, will he adhibit to subsequent decrees a sanction, which it is admitted we cannot do without, when they are consequent upon a mode of constitution which he cannot admit ? "Are you sure of the support of your constituents in the step you now meditate? Do not believe the people are interested in the metaphysical discussions which have hitherto occupied us. They are worthy, doubtless, of more consideration than has hitherto been attached to them, for they lie at the bottom of the whole system of national representation-but are the people prepared to see their importance? The people wish relief, for they have no longer the strength to suffer; they would throw off oppression, because they can no longer breathe under the horrible load which crushes them; but they ask only not to be taxed beyond what they can endure, and to be allowed to bear their misery in peace. Doubtless, we have more elevated views, and have formed wishes more suitable to the dignity of freemen; but we must accommodate ourselves to circumstances, and make use of the instruments which are in our hands. It is alone by so doing that you will obtain the support, by attending to the interest, of your constituents. It is thus alone that you will secure on your side the inestimable support of public opinion. Till that is obtained, it will be easy to divide the people by ephemeral gifts, passing succours, feigned conspiracies, or real dangers. It is no difficult matter to make the multitude sell a constitution for bread. you "Is principle clearly with you ? We are all here by the King's convocation, and by it alone. Doubtless may, and should, seek to obtain a more secure and independent mode of assembling, when you are constituted, and your powers have commenced; but can you make any such change just now? Can you do so before being constituted? Can you do so, even when constituted, of your single authority, without the concurrence of the other orders? What right have you to advance beyond the limits of your title? Does not the legislature imply CHAP. 1789. CHAP. three orders, though convoked in a single assembly? Do IV. your mandates, your cahiers, authorise you to declare 1789. yourselves the assembly of the only representatives recognised and verified? The consequences of such a step are evident an unchaining of every passion, a coalition of every aristocracy, and that hideous anarchy which never fails to end in despotism. You will have pillage and butchery; you will have the fearful horrors of civil warfor the French have never fought for things, but for one individual or another. What do you make of the veto of the King, if he should refuse it to your constitution? Will you in your turn refuse it to the King? For myself, gentlemen, I believe the sanction of the King is so indispensable to your constitution, that I would rather live at Constantinople than in France if it did not exist. Yes, I declare I know nothing more terrible than an aristocracy of six hundred men, self-constituted, who will soon become i. 445, 460. hereditary, and end, like all aristocracies of the world, by swallowing up every thing.”1 1 Hist. Parl. 53. The Tiers National June 17. The debate was prolonged during three days, and continued on the third till past midnight. It was conducted the title of with the utmost violence. "Who are the nobility," cried Assembly, Sièyes, "that we should have so much consideration for them? They represent a hundred and fifty thousand individuals, we twenty-five millions. If we yield, it is an ignominious betrayal of our trust-it is surrendering twenty-five millions of men to the yoke of a few thousands of the privileged orders." Carried away by the apparent force of this argument, the Assembly, by a majority of 491 to 90, resolved "that they are the representatives of ninety-six hundredths, at the very least, of the nation. Such a mass cannot be rendered inactive by the absence of the representatives of a few bailiwicks, or a particular class of citizens; for the absent, who have been summoned, cannot prevent the present from exercising the plenitude of their rights, especially when the exercise of those rights has become an imperious and pressing public duty. More IV. 1789. over, since it belongs only to the verified representation CHAP. to concur in the formation of the national will, and since all the representatives ought to be in that Assembly, they declare further, that they, and they alone, are entitled to interpret and represent the general will of the nation; and that there exists not between the throne and this Assembly any veto, any negative power. The Assembly declare that the great work of national regeneration should be begun by the deputies present, and that they will pursue it without either obstacle or interruption." Struck by the flagrant nature of this usurpation, which assumed the whole powers of the States-general into one of the orders, and which even denied the King's veto on their resolutions, the minority, though without hope, continued a strenuous opposition. The cries of the opposite parties drowned the voices of the speakers; the wind blew with terrific violence, and shook the windows as if the, edifice in which they were sitting was about to fall. But Bailly, the president, remained immovable; and the minority, wearied with a fruitless opposition, retired at one in the morning, leaving the Assembly in the hands of the popular party. It was then resolved, by a majority of 491 to 90, to assume the title of the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY; and intimation was sent to the other orders that they would proceed to constitute themselves, with or without their adherence, which they immediately afterwards did, by that dignified appellation. By the assumption of this title, and passing Mig. i. 39. of the resolution, the Tiers Etat openly evinced their Lac. vii. 32, determination to erect themselves into a sovereign power, 56,57. Parl. and, like the Long Parliament of Charles I., disregard 470. Mich. alike the throne and the nobility. Mirabeau was absent Rév. i. 45. at the vote so strongly did he foresee the perilous ten dency of the measure.1 On the day following, the Assembly met in presence of above four thousand spectators, who crowded every gallery, passage, and crevice in the hall, and there with great solemnity took an oath,-"We swear and promise 1 35. Th. i. Hist. de la |