IV. 1789. ment which he might propose to the King. Unhappily CHAP. Louis himself, trusting to the popularity of his minister, and desirous of avoiding extremities, entertained the same opinion. In pursuance of this belief, Necker had prepared a plan for adjusting the differences between the orders, the foundation of which was to be, that the orders were to deliberate and vote in common during the present States-general on subjects of taxation and national or public concern, and in their separate orders on those in which their respective interests or privileges were concerned; but the King was positively to announce that he would consent in future to no arrangement in which the legislature was not divided into at least two chamberspointing thus, not obscurely, to the English constitution as a model. This plan was earnestly pressed by the minister upon the monarch, accompanied with the alarming intimation, which subsequent events proved to be well founded, that in truth no other resource remained, for that the army could not be relied upon if required to act against the States-general.* It argued little for the sagacity or knowledge of mankind which the Swiss minister possessed, that he could have for a moment supposed such a system feasible; or have deluded himself into a belief that an ambitious, reckless majority, formed of the doubled Tiers Etat and the minority of the nobles and clergy, would not, on these national questions of general 'Sire, I am afraid they deceive you on the spirit of your army: the correspondence of the provinces makes me believe that it will not act against the States-general. Do not, then, bring it near Versailles, as if it was your intention to employ it in a hostile manner against the deputies. The popular party do not, as yet, know against whom the forces which are approaching are directed. Take advantage of the same uncertainty to maintain your authority in public opinion; for if the fatal secret of the insubordination of the troops once becomes known, how will it be possible to restrain the factious spirit? What is now indispensable is, to accede to the reasonable wishes of France; deign to resign yourself to the English constitution. Personally you will experience no annoyance from the restraint of the laws, for never will they fetter you so much as your own scruples; and in anticipating the desires of the people, you will have the merit of giving to-day what may, perhaps, be taken from you tomorrow.' -NECKER, Mémoire au Roi, 8th June 1789; DE STAEL, Révolution Française, i. 213, 214. This was really sage advice: would that Necker had never given the King any other! CHAP. IV. 1789. concern, have speedily succeeded in tearing the monarchy to pieces. But events succeeded each other with such rapidity that his projects could not be matured before decisive steps became necessary; and the resolution of the majority of the clergy, on the evening of the 19th, to join the Tiers Etat, rendered immediate steps indispensable. It was accordingly resolved, in a royal council held on Rev. Frane that very evening, to proclaim a royal sitting on the 23d, to announce the King's project for settling the mode of voting; and, in the mean time, to close the hall of the States-general.1 1 Lac. vii. 37, 38. Necker, i. 244, 247. De Stael, i. 213, 214, 215. 60. Tennis Court oath. June 20. In pursuance of this resolution, the heralds-at-arms in Versailles, early on the following morning, proclaimed that the King would meet the Estates on the 23d, and on the same day the doors of the hall of the Statesgeneral were closed by grenadiers of the guard against the deputies of the commons. This step was certainly unfortunate; it announced hostile intentions without any explanation of what was really intended, and irritated the deputies without subduing them. Bailly, the president of the Assembly, went in form to the doors, and finding them closed by orders of the King, he protested against the despotic violence of the crown. Opinions were at first much divided what course to adopt-some proposing that they should instantly adjourn to the palace, and lay their grievances before the sovereign in person; others, that they should move into the capital, and throw themselves on the support of its immense population. At length it was proposed, on the suggestion of Guillotin*an ominous name, as events turned out to adjourn to the Tenniscourt hall, in the neighbourhood, which was at once agreed to. The following oath, drawn up by Mounier, was immediately tendered to the deputies, and first taken by Bailly himself:-"The National Assembly, considering * A medical man of some celebrity, who suggested the terrible instrument for execution which has rendered his name imperishable.-See MICHELET, Histoire de la Révolution, i. 51. IV. 1789. that they have been convoked to fix the constitution of CHAP. the kingdom, to regenerate the public order, and fix the true principles of the monarchy; that nothing can prevent them from continuing their deliberations, and completing the important work committed to their charge; and that, wherever their members are assembled, there is the National Assembly of France-decree, that all the members now assembled shall instantly take an oath never to separate; and, if dispersed, to reassemble wherever they 1 Moniteur, can, until the constitution of the kingdom, and the regene-Lac. ration of the public order, are established on a solid basis; vii. 39, 41. and that this oath, taken by all and each singly, shall be confirmed by the signature of every member, in token of their immovable resolution."1 Th. 63, 64. Riv. 19. the King occasion. The court on this occasion committed a capital error, 61. in not making the royalist or constitutional party in the Error of Assembly acquainted with their intentions, and preventing on this that unanimity which necessarily arose from the appearance of measures of coercion without any knowledge of their object. The consequence was, that the most moderate members, apprehensive of the crown, and alarmed at the apparatus of military force directed against the Assembly, joined the violent democrats, and the oath was taken, with the exception of one courageous deputy, unanimously. This decisive step committed the whole Assembly in a contest with the government; the minds of the deputies were exasperated by the apprehended violence; and the oath formed a secret bond of association among numbers who, but for it, would have been violently opposed to each other. Mirabeau, in particular, whose leaning from the beginning was as much towards the aristocracy as was consistent with a popular leader, openly expressed, at a subsequent period, his dissatisfaction at not having been made acquainted with the real designs of the King. there no one," said he, in the Assembly, "whom they 89, 97. could make acquainted with their designs? It is thus that kings are led to the scaffold !"2 "Was Riv. 19. Mig. i. 41. CHAP. IV. 1789. 62. 148 of the the Tiers Etat. This step was followed on the 22d by an important accession of strength. On that day the Assembly met in the church of St Louis, as the Tennis Court had been closed by order of the princes to whom it belonged; and clergy join they were here joined by a hundred and forty-eight of the clergy, who participated in their feelings, and were resolved to share their dangers. This great reinforcement was headed by the Archbishop of Vienne, the Archbishop of Bordeaux, and the Bishop of Chartres. By this junction, their majority over the other orders became so great that the victory of the commons, if they continued in one assembly, was rendered certain. The spectacle of the union of the clergy with their brethren of the commons excited the most lively transports, and they embraced each other amidst tears of joy. Who could then have foreseen, that in a few weeks the whole ecclesiastical body were to be reduced to beggary by those who now received them as deliverers, and that a clergyman could not appear 20. Deux in the streets without being exposed to the grossest insults! Such is the fate of those who think, by concessions dictated by fear, to arrest the march of a revolution.1 1 Dumont, Mig. i. 42. 203. Riv. 216. 63. of the commons. It is impossible to refuse a tribute of admiration to Reflections those intrepid men, who, transported by a zeal for liberty on this step and the love of their country, ventured to take a step fraught with so many dangers, and which, to all appearance, might have brought many to prison or the scaffold. Few situations can be imagined more dignified than that of Bailly, crowning a life of scientific labour with patriotic exertion, surrounded by an admiring Assembly, the idol of the people, the admiration of Europe. But he did wrong on this occasion, for he denied to the King the right of dissolving the States-general, and so put the commons in direct rebellion against the crown. Mounier, who drew up the oath, lived to express his regret for having done so, in exile in a foreign land. How vain are the hopes of permanent elevation founded on the * MOUNIER, Causes qui ont Empêché les Français de Devenir Libres, 96, 97. IV. 1789. applause of the multitude! Could the eye of prophecy then CHAP. have unveiled the future, it would have discovered Bailly, now the idol of the people, shivering on his face in the Champ de Mars, with his arms tied behind his back, and the guillotine suspended over his head, condemned by the Convention, execrated by the multitude, subjected to a cruel and prolonged punishment, to gratify the peculiar hatred and savage revenge of the populace, whom he now incurred these dangers to support. 64. Necker of advances. Mirabeau, who was in the secrets both of the Orleanists and republicans, seeing matters coming to such a crisis, Repulse by made private advances through Malouet, a common friend Mirabeau's of both, to Necker, for the purpose of allying himself to the throne. "I am not," said he, "a man to sell myself basely to despotism, and far from wishing to shake the throne. But if steps are not immediately taken to stop the effervescence, there are in our Assembly such a multitude of selfish turbulent spirits, and so many carried away by inconsiderate asperity against the first orders, that I fear the most horrible commotions. Without doubt, MM. Necker and Montmorin have a fixed plan: if that plan is reasonable, and they communicate it to me, I will defend it to the utmost of my power." Mirabeau was already a person of too much weight to be disregarded, and Necker, in pursuance of this overture, though with great reluctance, agreed to receive him in his cabinet. But their interview came to nothing. "You wish," said Necker, "to govern by policy, and I by morality; we cannot act together." After a brief and dry conversation, they separated in mutual irritation. Shortly after, meeting Malouet, he said, "I will not return there; but they shall hear of me." Immediately he threw himself with eagerness into the arms of the Orleans faction, and became one of the most ardent and dangerous supporters of the Revolution. He frequented all the nocturnal meetings, both at the Palais Royal and the Republican clubs, and proved an inveterate enemy of the court, where |