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IV.

1 Moun. 93.

CHAP. he was regarded with equal aversion. The Queen alone, strongly impressed with a sense of his talents, still 1789. continued to maintain that the only hope for the monarchy Papon, Hist. Was to attach him to their interest. Meanwhile, Mirade la Rév. beau's establishment underwent a total change: he took a handsome hotel, lived sumptuously; and his brilliant Secrètes de equipages, which drove about the streets, sufficiently 70-312. Lab. proved that, with the direction of the intrigues, he had received the wages of the Orleans family.1

i. 21, 22.

Hist. des

Causes

la Rév. i.

iii. 71, 72.

65.

Grand council

where the

is resolved

on.

Meanwhile Louis, now that matters had reached a crisis, was sorely beset by the different parties which at Marly, agitated the kingdom; and such was the weight of the declaration arguments which they severally adduced in their support, of 23d June that the strongest intellect might have felt difficulty in coming to a decision among them. Necker besought him to ally himself, frankly and in good faith, to the constitutional party in the Assembly, as the only means of avoiding the most terrible calamities, when the fidelity of the army was more than doubtful. The Cardinal La Rochefoucauld and the Archbishop of Paris, struck with consternation at the scene they had witnessed in the chamber of the clergy, threw themselves at his feet, and touched the inmost chords of his heart, by beseeching him to protect religion and its ministers, now threatened with destruction, who would involve in their ruin the throne itself. The Parliament, on the motion of d'Espréménil, who was at length thoroughly alarmed, having become fully sensible of the extreme peril of the passions they had awakened, sent a secret deputation to the King, entreating him instantly to dissolve the States-general, and solemnly promising to register whatever edicts he might deem necessary, either for the relief of the finances or the removal of the grievances of the people. The Queen, the Comte d'Artois, and the Comte de Provence, united their efforts to those of that powerful body, and implored Louis, by the obligations he owed to his people, his children, his successors, to interpose his authority, and

IV.

1789.

1 Mém. de

dissolve an assembly which had already usurped so much, CHAP. and was evidently advancing by rapid strides to supreme dominion. The whole subject was solemnly and ably debated before the King in a grand council held at Marly on the 21st and 22d, and it was at length resolved to make great concessions on all the material points demanded in the cahiers of the deputies, so as to lay the foundations of a constitutional monarchy; but, at the same time, to annul the usurpations of the Tiers Etat, and maintain the Necker, i. vital point of the separation of the chambers. Necker Hist. des wisely and generously concurred in this arrangement, Secretes though, as will soon appear, some alterations made in the de la Rév. royal speech, which he had drawn up, in matters which 134. Boissy d'Anglas's he deemed material, led to his remaining absent from the Viede Maledecisive meeting of the Assembly, and this was attended 279. with the most calamitous consequences.1

222, 253.

Causes

i. 34. Th. i.

sherbes, ii.

ting of the

Great con

cessions of

At length the famous sitting of the 23d June took place. 66. The King took his seat on the throne, surrounded by his Royal sitguards, and attended by all the pomp of the monarchy: he 23d June. was received in sullen silence by the commons, but with loud applause by the majority of the nobles, and the the King. minority of the clergy. His discourse commenced by condemning the conduct of the commons, and lamenting the spirit of faction which had already made such progress among the representatives of the people, and was alike opposed to the interests of the nation and the warmest wishes of his heart. The declarations of the monarch were then read. The first prescribed the form of the meetings of the Estates, and enacted their assemblage by three orders, as essentially linked with the constitution of the state it regulated the form of their deliberations; annulled the declarations of the 17th June by the Tiers Etat, as contrary to law; reserved to the crown the right of regulating the future meetings of the Statesgeneral, and closed their deliberations against the public. The second embraced an exposition of the rights which the monarch conceded to his people, and they contained

IV.

1789.

CHAP. the whole elements of rational freedom. In particular, he declared the illegality of all taxes not expressly consented to by the States-general, and that they should be imposed only from one session of that body to the other; abolished the pecuniary privileges, and exemption from taxation, of the nobles and clergy; put an end to the taille and the impost of franc-fief; regulated the expenses of the royal household; provided for the consolidation and security of the public debt; secured the liberty of the press; established the security of property and of titles of honour; reformed the criminal code; took care of the personal freedom of the subject, and provided for the maintenance of the public roads, the equality of contributions, and the establishment of provincial assemblies. On the important question of the union of the orders he gave no express injuctions, but simply " exhorted the three Estates, for the public good, for this session only, to deliberate in common on matters of public interest, with the exception of those which regard the ancient and constitutional rights of the three orders, the forms of convoking the next Statesgeneral, the feudal and seignorial rights, and the patrimonial rights and honorary titles of the two first orders." With truth could the monarch exclaim, "I may say, without fear of self-deception, that never king did so much for his people as I have done for mine; but what other could so well deserve it as the people of France ?"1 These important concessions, which, if supported by Which give proper vigour in the government, might have stopped the Revolution, had no effect in allaying the public discontents. The period was past when the language of moderation could be heard; the passions were roused, the populace excited-and when does passion yield to reason, or the multitude pause in the prospect of the acquisition of power? The concluding words of the King had the air, without the reality, of vigour; they took from the grace of the gift without adding to the authority of the giver. "You have heard, gentlemen, the result

1 Parl. Hist. ii. 13, 15.

Riv. 23, 24. Th. i. 67,

68. Lac. vii. 43.

67.

no satisfac

tion.

IV.

1789.

of my dispositions and views-they are in conformity CHAP. with my ardent desire for the public good; and if by a fatality, which I am far from anticipating, you shall abandon me in so noble an enterprise, alone I shall work out the good of my people-alone I shall consider myself as their true representative and knowing your cahiers, knowing the perfect coincidence of the general wish of the nation and my beneficent intentions, I shall feel all the resolution which so rare a confidence ought to inspire; and I shall advance towards my object with all the courage and firmness which such an object deserves. Reflect on this, gentlemen!-none of your projects, none of your dispositions, can have the force of law without my especial approbation. Thus I am the natural guarantee of your respective rights, and all the orders of the state may repose with confidence on my entire impartiality. The slightest distrust on your part would be a great injustice. It is I, gentlemen, who have hitherto striven alone for the good of my people: it is rare, perhaps, that the only ambition of a sovereign is to prevail on his subjects to come to an understanding to accept his beneficent acts. I command you, gentlemen, to separate immediately, and to meet here to-morrow, each order in ii.21. Deux its own chamber, to resume your sittings; and I have 219, 222. given directions to the grand-master of the ceremonies to prepare the halls accordingly."1

1 Parl. Hist.

Amis, i.

mons refuse

hall.

At the conclusion of this address, the King rose, and 68. withdrew from the hall. The great majority of the The Comnoblesse, the whole bishops, and a considerable part of to leave the the inferior clergy, followed in his train; but the whole commons, and the majority of the clergy who had joined them, continued in the great hall. Hesitation and uncertainty prevailed in the body which remained; they were confounded by the magnitude of the concessions made by the sovereign, and knew not what part to adopt. At this crisis Mirabeau rose,-" What you have heard, gentlemen, might be sufficient for the safety of the country,

IV.

1789.

CHAP. if the presents of despotism were not always dangerous. What is the insolent dictatorship to which you are subjected? Is this display of arms, this violation of the national sanctuary, the fitting accompaniment of a boon to the people? Who prescribes these rules? Your mandatory! he who should receive your commands instead of giving them to you. The liberty of deliberation is destroyed a military force surrounds the Assembly. Where are the enemies of the nation? Catiline is at your gates. I propose that, proceeding with becoming dignity, you act up to the spirit of your oath, and refuse to separate till you have completed the constitution." Then turning to the master of the ceremonies, who had just entered and reminded them of the King's orders, he exclaimed, Yes, sir, we know the intentions which have been suggested to the King, and you, who are not his organ towards the States-general, have no right to take back our answer. Nevertheless, to avoid all misunderstanding, I declare, that if you are ordered to make us depart hence you must employ force. Tell your master that we are here by the order of the people, and that we 45. Mig, i will not be expelled but at the point of the bayonet."69. Hist. "You are to-day," said Sièyes calmly, "what you were 22. Moni- yesterday; let us proceed with our deliberations." On Juin 1789. the motion of Camus, they ratified all their proceedings, and declared the persons of the members inviolable.1

1 Lac. vii.

4. Th. i. 68,

Parl. ii. 21,

teur, 24

69.

66

Considered in themselves, these concessions were the Vast amount greatest ever made by a king to his subjects, and at any cessions of other time they would have excited transports of grati

of these con

the King.

tude. But democratic ambition was thoroughly awakened, and this conciliatory conduct was only adding fuel to the flame. If a government is powerful, whatever it gives is hailed with gratitude as a gift; if it is weak, its concessions are considered as the discharge of a debt, and tend only to rouse the popular party to fresh demands. "What was wanting," said M. Montmorin, one of the ministers, to Mirabeau," in the concessions of the King?"-" Nothing,"

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