V. 1789. 1 Groenvelt, 46, 49; and Smyth's French Rev. tumultuous expressions of disapprobation. The president overwhelmed with lies and calumnies." Such, on the (Dumont,) testimony of an eyewitness, and that eyewitness the author of the " Declaration of the Rights of Man," were i. 317, 319. the assemblies, and such the arts, by which, from the outset of the Revolution, Paris and France were directed.1 This terrible organisation of the multitude into primary Establish assemblies, and of municipalities from the deputies whom similar they elected, was speedily imitated over all France. It was too much in the spirit of the age-it fell in too completely with the passions of the moment, not to be the object of universal adoption. The old magistracies, based 11. ment of municipalities over V. 1789. in a great degree on the incorporations, and therefore identified with property, were in a few days every where superseded, and never more heard of. The new municipalities, formed of the deputies of the primary assemblies —that is, resting on universal suffrage became universal, and soon engrossed the whole civil authority, as well as the direction of the armed force of the kingdom. Incalculable and irreparable were the effects of this change. Coupled with the simultaneous institution of the National Guard and the defection of the army, it rendered the march of the Revolution inevitable, because it deprived the crown of all power, either by civil or military authority, to restrain or even modify it. The Jacobin clubs which, in imitation of the great parent one in the capital, were speedily established in every town in the kingdom, ere long, by the vehemence of their language and the energy of their proceedings, acquired the direction of Smyth's these primary assemblies, and through them of the muni- . 318. cipalities, and communicated the impulse of popular Rév. de fervour to the whole constituted authorities. This was 67, i. the true secret of the future progress of the Revolution.1 1 French Rev. Prudhom. Paris, No. duct of the Assembly This great innovation did not escape the notice of the 12. National Assembly, and some feeble attempt was made to Feeble conprevent the civil power in the state from thus slipping National from the hands of the legislature; but it came to nothing, on this point. and they were glad to veil their weakness under the guise of moderation. "Do you propose," said Mounier, who already began to perceive whither the current was flowing, "that all the towns of France should create municipalities like Paris? That power should be confined to the National Assembly; there is no saying whither such multiplying of states within states, sovereignties within sovereignties, may lead us." "The disorders of Paris," answered Mirabeau, "have all arisen from one cause, that no popular authority exists, and that the primary assemblies were not in harmony with the municipality. The latter had seized the reins of power in the public 1789. CHAP. confusion, without the previous consent of the people. V. They retained it after they had lost their popularity, even after the electoral districts had manifested a wish to have a municipality established on the basis of the formal consent of the people. What circumstance can be so fortunate, as that municipalities are now erected on the basis of direct popular election, conducted with all the orders united into one, under the condition of a frequent removal and rotation of functionaries, and that Paris has offered to the other cities of France so admirable a model to imitate? The National Assembly should make no attempt to organise municipalities; they should arise in every instance from the direct will of the people. Look at the Americans; they have done this, and hence the stability of their institutions." "The terrible strokes aimed by the minister," replied Lally Tollendal, “have produced frightful reprisals. We must not deceive ourselves the people demand vengeance, but we require subordination; else we shall fall from the yoke of ministerial power under that of arbitrary democracy. One may have much talent, great ideas, and be a tyrant. Tiberius thought, and thought profoundly: Louis XI. felt, and felt warmly." But these recriminations determined nothing; and the Assembly contented itself with issuing a proclamation, in which they declared that they alone were invested with the right of directing prosecutions for high treason, but left to the towns the power of choosing municipalities, and arresting suspected persons. 1 Hist. Parl. Soon after, the new constitution of the municipality of 180. Moni Paris was solemnly sanctioned by a degree of the AssemJuly 1789. bly, and of course was immediately imitated over all France.1 23d July. ii. 151, 159, teur, 31st 13. General institution of the National Guard. What rendered this newly-born power of the municipalities peculiarly formidable, in fact irresistible, was the simultaneous creation of an armed force, under the name of the National Guard, which, in imitation of that instituted in Paris, speedily sprang up in every part of the V. 1789. kingdom. As fast as the news of the taking of the CHAP. Bastille spread through the provinces, the lower orders, in imitation of the capital, organised themselves into independent bodies, subject to their respective municipalities, and established national guards for their protection. The immediate cause of the formation of this prodigious armament was the propagation through all France of the most alarming reports as to the approaching destruction of the harvest by brigands, who were traversing the country in all directions—a stratagem played with the most complete success by the leaders of the Revolution, in order to place the armed force of the kingdom at their disposal. Three hundred thousand men were by these means speedily enrolled for the support of the popular side; the influence of government, as well as the power of the sword, passed into the hands of the people. The officers in the new regiments were all elected by the privates; the new magistrates were appointed by the mob, and of course taken from the most zealous supporters of the popular demands; their authority alone was respected. The old functionaries, finding their power gone, every where became extinct. In less than a fortnight there was no authority in France but what emanated from the people. Arms were in some places wanting for a time; but the zeal of the new municipalities soon supplied this deficiency. The royal arsenals were generally opened by the officers in charge of them, who feared to disobey the orders of the sovereign people; and although i. 142, 143. a few, like M. de Bouillé at Metz, held out for some time, M. 65, yet they were ere long constrained, by direct mandates 73. Toul. from Louis, to comply.1* This force speedily acquired a surprising degree of discipline and efficiency, chiefly from the number of old soldiers, or non-commissioned officers * M. de Bouillé, whose firmness nothing could shake, and who had, by the ascendency of his character, preserved subordination among his troops, continued for a month after the 14th July to refuse to issue arms to the national guard of Metz, where he commanded, till he received the orders of the King. But on 26th August 1789, the new minister at war, La Tour Dupin, indirectly enjoined it in the following words, "Un point essentiel et dont vous sentez 1 Hist. Parl. Bert. de i. 97. Th. .126. Mig. Bouillé, 79. i. 69, 70. V. CHAP. of the line, who obtained commissions in it; and who, in secret ashamed of the desertion of their sovereign, were glad to veil their disgrace under a new uniform and the assumption of the popular colours. 1789. 14. July 21. Frightful disorders, originating in Paris, and soon The ministry spreading over the whole kingdom, signalised the first fly. Necker is recalled. transference of the supreme power from the crown to the people. Louis, immediately after his submission, sanctioned the appointment of General Lafayette as commander of the national guard at Paris, and recalled M. Necker to the office of prime minister. The messenger overtook the Swiss minister at Bâle, at which place he had arrived on his journey to his native country. His return to Paris was a continued triumph. Every where he received the most intoxicating proofs of public gratitude; the newly constituted authorities waited on him to testify their admiration; but his entry to Paris was not only the zenith of his popularity, but also its end. He proceeded to the Hotel de Ville amidst the shouts of two hundred thousand admiring citizens, and from its balcony addressed the people in generous terms, imploring them to crown their glorious victory by a general amnesty. For a moment the generous sentiment prevailed; loud applause followed his words. But he seemed to have a presentiment of his 85. Mig. i. approaching fall; for, on entering his apartment at VerStael, i. 255. sailles, he exclaimed to one of his friends-" Now is the moment that I should die !"1 1 Toul. i 68. De 15. Foulon. A melancholy proof awaited him of the inability even Murder of of the most popular minister to coerce the fury of the populace. Long lists of proscription had for a considerable time been fixed at the entrances of the Palais Royal, at the head of which was the name of M. Foulon, an old man above seventy years of age, who had been appointed to l'importance, c'est de ne délivrer des armes qu'avec beaucoup de ménagement." Bouillé now felt himself bound to issue out arms, which he did, however, as prudently as possible. He was one of the last governors of provinces who withstood the universal demand for arms.-M. La Tour Dupin to M. De Bouillé, 26th August 1789; BOUILLE, Memoirs, 79. |