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V.

1789.

CHAP. ings, if woful experience had not demonstrated how fatal they are in their consequences, and how rapidly the minds of the lower orders become intoxicated by the enjoyment of powers which they are equally incapable of exercising with discretion, or abandoning without national convulsion.

42.

finances.

Meanwhile the finances of the kingdom, the embarrassState of the ments of which had first occasioned the convocation of the States-general, were daily falling into a worse condition. The lower orders universally imagined that the Revolution was to liberate them from every species of impost; and, amidst the wreck of established authority, and the collision of self-constituted powers, they succeeded for some time in realising their expectations. The collection of the revenue became every where difficult, in many places impossible; and the universal distrust which followed a period of general agitation, occasioned a lamentable deficiency in the excise and customs. The public revenue of 1790 was above one-third less than that of 1789; in many places the taxes had almost wholly disappeared; payment of the salt-tax, the most considerable of the indirect imposts, was every where refused; and the boasted credit of a revolutionary government was soon found to amount to nothing. Alarmed at a deficiency which he had no means of supplying, M. Necker 1 Moniteur, made a full and candid statement of the finances to the Aug.7,1789, p. 152. Hist. Assembly, and concluded by demanding a loan of Parl. ii, 350, 30,000,000 of francs. The falling off in the revenue i. 159, 160. was above 200,000,000 francs, or £8,000,000 yearly. Lac. vii. 170. The Assembly in vain endeavoured to negotiate such an Cons. advance. Terror at the unsettled state of the kingdom, 406, 408. uncertainty with regard to the future, prevented any of the capitalists from coming forward.1

352. Th.

Dum. 18.

Burke's

Works, v.

In the midst of these alarms and anxieties, the Assembly were occupied with their great task, the composition of a succinct statement of rights, which was soon drawn up under the name of the RIGHTS OF MAN. This

V.

1789.

43.

Declaration

of Man.

famous composition, which was solemnly adopted by CHAP. them on the 18th August, amidst much obvious and important truth, contains a most dangerous mixture of error, which, if not duly chastened by the lessons of experience and the observation of history, is calculated to of the Rights convulse society. It declares the original equality of Aug. 18. mankind; that the ends of the social union are liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression; that sovereignty resides in the nation, and all power emanates from them; that freedom consists in doing every thing which does not injure another; that law is the expression of the general will; that public burdens should be borne by all the members of the state in proportion to their fortunes; that the elective franchise should be extended to all, and that the exercise of natural rights has no other limit but their interference with the rights of others. In these positions, considered abstractly, there is much in which every reasonable mind must acquiesce; but the promulgation of the agreeable but perilous principles of sovereignty residing in the people, de l'Hom. of the natural equality of mankind, and of the extension Hist. Parl. of the elective franchise to every citizen, only proves how Moniteur, ignorant the legislators of that period were of the real 1789. No. character of the human mind, and how little aware of vii. 153. that inherent depravity in human nature, to which so many of themselves ere long became victims.

1 See Droits

ii. 271, 274.

Aug. 19, 21,

44. Lac.

44.

entertained

It is a curious and instructive circumstance, illustrative of the tendency of revolutionary excitement to deprive Opinion the representatives of the people of any thing approaching of it by its to freedom of deliberation, that the authors of this cele- authors. brated declaration were, at the time they wrote it, fully aware of the absurdity aud peril of many of its parts. Dumont, its principal composer, has justly asked," Are men all equal? Where is the equality? Is it in virtue, talents, fortune, industry, situation? Are they free by nature? So far from it, they are born in a state of complete dependence on others, from which they are long of

V.

1789.

CHAP. being emancipated." Mirabeau himself was so sensible of the absurdity of laying down any code of rights anterior to the formation of the constitution, that he laboured to induce the Assembly to postpone it till that was accomplished; observing, that "any enunciation of right at that time would be but an almanac for a year." But it was too late; the people would admit of no delay; and the deputies, afraid of losing their popularity, published the famous declaration, inwardly execrating the work of their own hands a step so perilous, that, as its author himself admits, it was like placing a powder-magazine under an edifice, which the first spark of fire would blow into the air.1

1 Dumont,

140, 142.

Th. i. 142.

45.

of a consti

tution.

Aug. 28.

The great question which next occupied the Assembly Formation was the formation of a constitution; and the discussions regarding it kept the public mind in a state of incessant agitation during the whole of August and September. The committee to which it was referred to report on the subject, recommended that it should include the inviolability of the King's person, the permanence of the legislative body, and a single chamber for the legislature. This important question, upon which the future progress of the Revolution hinged, was warmly discussed in the clubs of the capital, and the most vehement threats were held out to those of the Assembly who were suspected of leaning to the aristocratic side. On the one hand, it was argued that the very idea of an assembly composed of hereditary legislators was absurd in a free country; that if it united itself to the throne, it became dangerous to freedom - if to the people, subversive of tranquillity; that it would operate as a perpetual bar to improvement, and, by constantly opposing reasonable changes, maintain a continual discord between the higher and lower orders; and that the only way to prevent these evils was to blend the whole legislature into one body, and temper the energy of popular ambition by the firmness of aristocratic resistance. On the other hand, it was maintained that the constitu

V.

1789.

tion of society in all the European states necessarily im- CHAP. plied a separate body of nobles and commons; that the turbulent spirit of the one was fully counteracted by the conservative tendency of the other; that a monarchy Aug. 31. could not subsist without an upper house to support the throne; that the English constitution afforded decisive evidence of the happy effects of such a separation; that the best consequences had been found to follow the discussion of public matters in separate assemblies, and many fatal resolutions prevented, by allowing time for consideration between their deliberations; and that it was a mere mockery to pretend that these restraints could take place, 1 Hist. Parl. if the legislature was all contained in one chamber, when ii. 329, 374. the nobles would be immediately outnumbered, and the whole rights of the monarchy might be voted away in single sitting. Unfortunately for France, these arguments did not prevail, and a single chamber was voted in the Assembly.1*

a

Lac. vii.

159. Riv.

191. Th. i.

152, 154. Dum. 158.

Mig. i. 84.

46.

pearance

Aug. 23.

The discussions on the constitution first brought prominently forward the laxity of opinion on all subjects First apconnected with religion, by which the great majority of of entire the Assembly were actuated, and their evident anxiety to the subject abolish a national faith altogether, and leave every man to of religion. believe or not to believe, to worship or not to worship, as it suited his fancy, his passions, or his convenience. When the article of the constitution relative to public worship came on for discussion, it was proposed to insert this amendment" As laws cannot reach secret delinquencies, it is religion alone which can coerce them. It is therefore essential and indispensable for the good order of society that religion should be maintained and respected." Mirabeau immediately rose-"Are you disposed, in permitting worship, to make religion a matter of accident? Every one will choose a religion according to his passions. The Turkish religion will be that of young people; the

* It was carried by a majority of 499 to 89. No less than 122 members remained away, intimidated by the threats of the populace.

V.

1789.

CHAP. Jewish that of usurers; all women incline in secret to that of Buddha. We are told man does not bring religion into society. Such a system is very strange. What feelings arise in every bosom on contemplating nature, or raising one's eyes to heaven? What is the first sentiment of any one who in solitude meets his fellow-creature? Is it not to fall on their knees together, and to offer to the Creator their homage? You You may forbid a worship which interferes with public decency or morals, but you cannot go further." "Religion?" said Talleyrand; "yes, but what religion? Do you mean all religions, or any religion? It is very well to say religion and morality are to be respected; but come a little nearer: what religion do you mean? The only way is to let every man choose his own." "A worship," said Rabaud de St Etienne, “is a dogma; a dogma depends on an opinion; an opinion on free-will. You attack freedom if you constrain a man to adopt a worship other than what he inclines to. Error is not a crime; and the state has no concern but with crimes." It was at length unanimously agreed, "that no one should be disquieted for his opinions, provided their ii. 327, 338. manifestation does not disturb the order established by the law." 1

1 Hist. Parl.

47.

the Assem

and Côté gauche. Aug. 28.

A few days after, the parties in the Assembly definiDivision of tively took their places, and obtained, from that circumbly into the stance, denominations which have survived all the changes Coté droit of the Revolution. The supporters of the church and the throne ranged themselves on the right hand of the president's chair; the liberals and revolutionists took their place on the left. These places have been kept by the opposite parties ever since that time, insomuch that the "Côté gauche" is still a watchword universally known to denominate the innovating party, and the "Côté droit" signifies that body which adheres to conservative and monarchical opinions.2 The Côté droit at first applied to ii. 319, 350, their adversaries the epithet "Coin du Palais Royal," from the influence which the clubs of that focus of sedition

2 Hist. Parl.

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