twenty-five millions of dollars.

It is now in order

for some statesman to move to amend by providing for the payment of the loss. The great constitutional lawyers of the past discussed this question. The statesmen in Congress considered it; Madison thought of it; Jefferson reflected on it; great men of that day wrote upon it, but nobody thought the ship-owners had a claim for indemnity, because it was a national police regulation. But the world moves. Things change when the statesmen of the day struggle in the interest of spiritualized alcohol. Well, thank God for the progress. The world moves. The sunlight of progress has illuminated the bleak mountain tops upon which the people dwell, and it will not be long before it will spread its sheen of glory over the dark valleys below, and light the legislator so he shall grant the request of the weak and fallen, and remove the temptation of the saloon from their sight.

I have always thought the best part of the Lord's Prayer was "lead us not into temptation, and deliver us from evil." Believing this, I do not want to tempt anybody by keeping a saloon. If you would be free from evil, fly temptation. He who would and does not endeavor to avoid the one, can not expect protection from the other. If the first spark were quenched there would be no flame. He can not kill, rob, embezzle, or steal who does not first transgress in thought. He cannot defraud who does not allow himself to covet. He will not drink who does not

desire. Use the dram-shop as it will use you. Spare it not, for it will not spare you. It has murdered, and it will murder more. Use it, therefore, as a murderer should be used; kill it before it kills you; kill it before it kills your soul. If the thought of death and the grave, if dishonor and disgrace be not pleasant to you, hearken not to the voice of those who would longer continue the American licensed saloon as an instrument of civilization and a supporter of common schools. Blot out the saloons of this state. It will put wood and coal on the fire, meat in the barrel, and flour in the chest, money in the pocket, and credit in the community; contentment in the house, clothes on the children, vigor in the body, intelligence in the brain, and spirit in the whole social circle in many hundred families of this state.

You violate no right of property, no constitutional provision. The proposed constitutional amendment does not deprive persons of their property without due process of law. It simply requires citizens to so use their property as not to endanger the public peace and promote pauperism and crime. It does not violate the fourteenth amendment to the federal constitution. When made a part of the constitution by the vote of the people of this state, it could not be inconsistent with that constitution, and the claim that it would be so, must be mere pretense.

II.

LOYALTY TO LAW.

ADDRESS OF HON. ALBERT H. HORTON, CHIEF-JUSTICE OF KANSAS, AT EFFINGHAM, ATCHISON

COUNTY, SEPT. 18, 1881.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I came here to-day upon the invitation of your citizens to pay my respects to the distinguished governor of our state upon his visit to my own county; to evidence by my presence among you that I sympathize with your efforts to create a public sentiment favoring the enforcement of all the laws of our commonwealth, and to counsel with you, as friends and neighbors, over the best methods to accomplish in our own midst this desirable result. Knowing, however, that I would be expected to make some remarks upon this occasion, I have thought it best to prepare what I have to say, so that I may not be misrepresented or misreported. Owing to the judicial position I hold, and the relation I bear to the entire people of the state, I cannot afford to have myself misunderstood. The proprieties of this forbid me that scope of discussion allowable to the other speakers who are here to

address you. I do not propose to offend those proprieties. All, therefore, that I shall say will be devoted to the importance and necessity of our citizens obeying the laws of the state.

There have been many interpretations attempted to be given of municipal law, yet one that is as complete and comprehensive as any other, defines it "A rule of civil conduct prescribed by the supreme power in a state." In a republic like ours, the right of making all the laws resides in the people, and the rule of the majority, when not in conflict with the constitution of the state, or the constitution of the United States, must control. As long as we are

members of such a government as the one under which we live, we are to regulate our own public conduct by the order or will of the majority, so long as the will of the majority is legally expressed. Every person who is a member of a government like ours, gives up a part of his natural liberty as the price of such membership, and in consideration of receiving the advantages and protection of the government, pledges himself to conform to those laws which the government has thought proper to establish.

The government under which we live is so constructed that disobedience to its orders or mandates can never be justifiable. It not only springs from the people, but refers back all its powers to them at so frequent intervals, that it can never misrepresent them or thwart their wishes, so as to make

violation or disobedience of law under any circumstances proper. Every two years we can change the whole house of representatives of our legislature; every four years we can change the entire senate of our state, and every two years we can elect an entire new set of executive state officials.

More than this, if any provision of our constitution requires addition, modification or repeal, we can by a vote of the people under the rules and regulations provided for in our constitution, make such additions, modifications or repeal as the people of the state shall demand. It therefore becomes our duty as citizens loyal to our state, loyal to the communities in which we live, and loyal to ourselves, to keep in remembrance the character of our government, the relation we occupy towards it, and to yield complete obedience to our constitution and the laws; to respect the authority that attempts to uphold the constitution and enforce the laws, adopted in accordance with its terms. There is no clear pathway to tread in these matters except to follow the one which is lighted by the constitution, and leads up to the enforcement of the laws.

In brief, obedience to the law is the duty of the citizen. There are ample opportunities to correct, change and repeal all existing laws without violence or force; and the people have the right by legitimate methods, and within the provisions of the constitution, to seek for any correction, change, modification or repeal of any law they deem unwise,