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the Presidency was a fearful struggle. It was Monopoly and the Bank against the People and Jackson. The whole The whole influence of the wealthy was exerted against the favourite of the People. The monied-the mercantile class have a large portion of the press at their command. The newspapers of the cities depend on advertisements for their very existence; the merchants, shipowners, brokers, auctioneers, and shopkeepers, are the principal advertisers; so that the papers express-not the opinions of the people, but the opinions of the class by whom they are supported. It was said that the money of the Bank was freely used to bribe the newspapers of New York. It may be so; but the supposition of direct bribery is not. necessary to account for the animosity of the newspapers towards the principle of democracy. If bribery were resorted to, it was money ill laid out, as such influence of these papers had was previously secured to the monied class by the circumstance I have described. There are thirteen daily papers in the city of New York, out of which only two are democratic papers; and of these two one has difficulty in maintaining its existence, though talent is certainly on the democratic side.

The industry of the Press during the late elections was untiring. They propagated all sorts of stories against both the public and private character of the individuals who composed the Jackson or democratic party. They appealed to all the real and supposed prejudices of the people. They contrived to fasten opprobrious names on their adversaries, and the democrats of America were called by all the Bank prints "Tories," and so forth. At last the noise they raised deceived not only their patrons, but even themselves. They positively thought their own opinions were the opinions of the people. Their papers were bought, and they did not stop to notice who

bought them. This made them more and more confident; and as the election. drew near, they proclaimed an approaching triumph, This was not a mere election trick, it was their real opinion; and as the Americans are a betting people, the monied class did not fail to back the opinion of the allknowing Press, by offering extensive wagers. These wagers were taken by some of the popular party. Their confidence had never been shaken; but as they had not eleven-thirteenths of the Press to make a noise about it, their confidence was of a quieter kind. The people knew their own opinions, and as a means of giving those opinions effect, they relied firmly on the Ballot-Box.

I shall now take leave to examine some of the fallacies put forward in the House of Commons respecting the Ballot. in America. In the course of the debate on the 2nd of June, on Mr Grote's motion respecting the Ballot, there was a very fair quantity of nonsense talked on this subject. First of all came Mr. James Barlow Hoy, a gentleman whose chief merit lies in not often troubling the House with his speeches. He sits for Southampton, and writes. himself a moderate Reformer; in plain English, he votes against moderate abuses, and supports those which are immoderate. Let us listen to the sapience of Mr Barlow Hoy :

"And then, as to America-the greatest instances of bribery and corruption are on record

as having existed there."-Mirror of Parliament,

June 2.

Well might Mr O'Connell exclaim "Oh! oh! oh!" Mr James Barlow Hoy, however, was quite indignant at the interruption :

"The honourable and learned member says Oh,' but I allude to the distribution of 28 millions of dollars, by the Bank of the United

States, for the purpose of influencing the elections against General Jackson."

The whole capital of the United States Bank is 35 millions of dollars, so that I

do really think somebody has been humbugging Mr Barlow Hoy about the said 28 millions. Now, that the Bank did try bribery and intimidation I do believe; but, that it did not succeed even where the Bank supposed it had enormous power and influence, is most certain; the reason why it did not succeed is, that the Ballot-Box prevented it.

But Mr James Barlow Hoy must needs again advert to America :

"By an extract which I have made from the American papers relative to the representation in America, it appears that the people there are as discontented with representation under the Ballot as any person in this House can possibly be. It says that the Congress had 'then met four months, and yet no measure of national utility had been contemplated.'"

Suppose a Member of Congress were gravely to quote the Albion, or the Times, and infer, as Mr James Barlow Hoy has inferred, that it represented the people's opinions, would not even Mr James Barlow Hoy himself laugh at the Yankee's logic? There is one circumstance especially that Mr James Barlow Hoy does not seem to be aware of, and it is this:-the people of America have the most perfect power of altering whatever they are discontented with. The suffrage is practically universal, the duration of Congress is short (two years)-that of their state assemblies generally one year — and the voter, in all the states which are

The only exceptions out of the twenty-four states are Delaware, South Carolina, Louisiana, Tennessee, Illinois, and Missouri, where the assemblies are for two years; and the state of Rhode Island, where the assembly is only for half-a-year.

thought to require it, is protected by the Ballot. Of these advantages the Americans do actually avail themselves freely. They are taught to do so. Hence, the bare fact of a practice existing is certain proof that it is popular. In the United States, if an honourable gentleman misbehave himself, the people very unceremoniously turn him out.

Then about the American papers. Our principal connexion with America is of a commercial nature, carried on, of course, with the commercial metro polis-New York. Now, I have already shown how the New York papers are kept alive, and whose opinions they re present. Mr James Barlow Hoy might have learned, from the very paper from which he quoted, that the elections would certainly go against Jackson, But they did not go against Jackson; so I humbly submit to Mr James Barlow Hoy, that the paper which told him a fib on one point, should not easily ob tain his belief on another. If the paper had said, "the people who advertise in, ballot," I should not have disputed the and buy our paper, do not like the statement; but when I read from a rect, for my own satisfaction I endeapaper that which I know to be incorvour to trace out and mark down the influence that generated the lie.

The above are scarcely a tithe of the fallacies uttered in the House of Commons, on the 2nd of June, on the subject of the Ballot in America; but, at present, I have not room for their exposure.

H. S. CHAPMAN.

MR HALSE'S OPINION OF THE INDUSTRIOUS INDUSTRIOUS

CLASSES OF ENGLAND.

FOR the information of the public I publish the following motion, now standing on the vote-paper of the House of Commons, in the name of Mr Halse, Member for St Ives::

"Mr Halse, upon bringing up the Report (of the Corporation Reform Bill), to move that all prisoners in Newgate, and the other gaols in England and Wales, although possessing no other qualification, be, upon the principle of the Bill, entitled indiscriminately to an equal participation in all the franchises, as well magisterial as elective, thereby created; and that, to obviate all uncertainty or doubt of the benevolent intention of the Bill and the happy tendency thereof, being, in effect, to render all the higher ranks of his Majesty's loyal and respectable subjects, subordinate to the lowest, without regard to property or character, a clause be introduced in accordance with the same principle, expressly enacting to that effect; and that it may for ever thereafter be well understood that the whole population of the Corporate Jurisdictions are, in all other relations of life, placed upon a footing of perfect equality, agreeably to the equal rights of man; and also a clause to provide a suitable retreat for the gentry residing within these jurisdictions, and who, with a mind and feelings becoming their station, may seek an escape for themselves from the scene of such a revolutionary infliction."

The people ought to be exceedingly obliged by the frankness of this avowal. The cautious men of the Tory party would not have ventured so far, because they would have deemed such a statement unwise. Mr Halse not having their prudence, has given us a clue to the opinion of his party. Let the people understand what this opinion is. This resolution asserts, that the industrious and honest classes of the population, persons who reside constantly in one place, pay largely to the maintenance of the Government,-the body, in fact, of the tradesmen, and of the more comfortable mechanics, are, in their morality, no better than the criminals in Newgate. Mr Halse puts this large and important portion of his countrymen upon a level with thieves and robbers-aye, and murderers. He has had the insolence and audacity to make this assertion-I hope the people of England will have the wisdom to remember it.

J. A. R.

LONDON :-PUBLISHED BY JOHN LONGLEY,

14 TAVISTOCK STREET, COVEnt garden.

From the Steam Press of C. & W. REYNELL, 16 Little Pulteney strest, Haymarket.

PERSECUTION

PREACHED BY THE PARSONS OF THE STATE

CHURCH IN IRELAND.

BY J. A. ROEBUCK, M.P.

THE GUARDS:

THE USELESSNESS OF THESE REGIMENTS IN LONDON.

EDITED BY

J.A. ROEBUCK, M.P.

[PRICE THREE HALFPENCE.]

PERSECUTION PREACHED BY THE PARSONS OF
THE STATE CHURCH IN IRELAND.

SOME Priests of the Irish State Church have of late been wandering up and down the country, endeavouring to create discord among the people, by trumpeting forth denunciations against the Catholic religion. Their last exhibition was at Exeter Hall; and it appears that they have enlarged their theatrical company by enlisting certain foolish Members of Parliament, with some half dozen very silly noblemen. These attractions notwithstanding, the whole affair was a conspicuous failure. Many people, indeed, went to gaze at the folly, just as we find many persons gazing at Punch. But these bigotrypreaching Priests did not gain their end. They desired to make a solemn matter of their nonsense, but the people grinned broadly at them. They hoped to alarm the many, and to make them cruel by frightening them. They failed. The people now are not afraid of the Pope. They know and feel themselves secure, and being undisturbed by

alarms, they see through, and properly appreciate, the wretched attempts to cajole them.

Half a century ago, all London was filled with confusion by the efforts of a mad bigot, Lord George Gordon, who preached "No Popery." The people answered his call; they rose in multitudes to enforce his ravings, and committed many and frightful devastations.

The same cry is now again raised by these wandering (vagabond) Priests. They are supported by half a dozen Lords, and as many Members of Parliament. But the people do NOT answer the call. The Lords, the Members of Parliament, and the Priests, are all treated with contempt. Men laugh at their folly, and spurn at their cruel and grovelling superstition.

WHY IS THIS?

The answer is, that we are wiser and better than we were fifty years since. These Parsons are as ignorant and as vicious as their forefathers, and have

From the Steam Press of C. & W. REYNELL, 14, 15, and 16 Little Pulteney street, Haymarket.

5

preserved their bigotry and their superstition. But while they have stood still, the people have advanced. The Priests have lost their influence, and the people judge for themselves.

In the days of Lord George Gordon the people of London not only differed from the Catholics in matters of religion, but they also hated the Catholics because they did differ from them. Now the same difference exists as respects belief in religious matters, but the people have learned a wise lesson, and do not hate those who have come to conclusions opposite to their own.

Is not this a great advance in wisdom? Is it not, also, a great advance in virtue? Let us understand the consequences of such a forbearing state of mind, and we shall then be able to appreciate its worth, and the folly and the vice of those who seek to change it.

This forbearance towards our neighbours in matters of religion is not 3 state of mind the consequences of which belong only to those matters. If I have taught myself to treat with respect and due consideration the opinions of my neighbour as to religion, I have also acquired a habit, the tendency of which is to lead me to view, with the same forbearance, all his other conscientious opinions-and this habit will lead me not merely to abstain from religious, but all other Persecution. I shall have learned to hear opinions opposite to my own, without offence, and in a calm and dispassionate spirit. I shall listen, and not shut my ears to conviction-I shall believe that I am not infallible-that I may, on some occasions, and important occasions too, be in error, while my neighbour may be in the right. Having acquired this modest and truly wise spirit, I shall be willing to hear the truth from whatever quarter it may come, and anxious to know what others may say, in order to judge of the correctness of my own conclusions.

When the Reformation commenced, people were told, by the Catholics of those days, that every sort of vice would be the result of any change of religious opinions. The old Reformers, notwithstanding these fearful denunciations, went on in their work, and thoroughly altered, in many countries, the religious belief and ceremonial of the inhabitants. The result belied the prophecies of those who had foretold vice and licentiousness as the necessary consequences of change. The various Reformed communities, as they were called, were found to be quite as moral, good, kind, and virtuous, as the Catholics-so the people began to doubt of the importance of those knotty points of controversial theology which had perplexed and excited their forefathers.

Time went on, and the mass of the people grew daily more instructed, both in Catholic and Protestant countries; and as religion always takes its form and character from the state of the public mind, the religion of the various Catholic and Protestant countries grew better. We Protestants are not the Protestants of the days of Henry VIII and Elizabeth, neither are the Catholics the Catholics of those days. Just as the people of those days differed from their forefathers, who rushed in multitudes to Palestine, so we differ from them, who deliberately burned what they chose to call heretics, in Smithfield.

If you take two persons of the same country, who have been brought up in the same station of life, at the same period, but who are of different religions, one, for example, being a Catholic, the other a Protestant, they will be both of them, in their moral conduct, exceedingly similar. Take, for example, the women of England who happen (to be Catholics, and compare them with the same classes of women who are Protes tants, and you will find them equally good mothers, daughters, sisters, and

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