then, did he talk to us about it? The reason was evident. He thought to put a strong mercantile interest in opposition to us;-and doubtless, when the Glass manufacturers went to him, he talked about the Taxes on Knowledge. I would address myself to the People in this case; and, through the People, to the said CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER. He talks of the loss to the revenue.—We proved that there would be no loss. But supposing that a loss had followed, did it never suggest itself to his mind that there was such a thing as saving? And further, I would ask if Mr HUME and myself did not, this very year, point out, in the Miscellaneous Estimates, means of saving the whole sum that he feared to lose? And did he not refuse to make this saving? And shall he now be permitted to talk of retaining the tax, because, though he allows it to be a bad tax, he says that he wants the money? The Government resisted us when we desired to save The expense of building forts and making canals in Ca- to something beyond. . £50,000 Also, for building Whitehall talks to us of the loss that the Revenue will sustain if this odious tax is taken off! tax. The People feel that this is an odious. They see themselves shut out from knowledge on a paltry excuse; they see the most barefaced profligacy in expenditure, the most reckless profusion in all matters wherein the great interests of the country are not concerned, and the most paltry economy practised whenever the real interests of the community is the sole object of benefit sought from expenditure. Who would believe, if the papers before the House did not tell them the fact, that we have grumbling of all kinds, when 20,000l. is given towards. building schools, and violent abuse showered upon those who object to throwing away that sum upon the Indians of North America? In short, who can wonder at the anger of the people, when every pretence is made use of to check improvement, and taxes, amounting to prohibition, are laid upon those means of instruction which are by far the most efficient? This anger of the public is strong and is daily increasing -and yet in the very hour of their need do the Whig Ministers determine to brave this anger and set the people at defiance. The supporters of the Ministry scoff and sneer when they are told that this will lead to the downfall of the Whigs. Three years since, backed by an overwhelming majority, Lord GREY'S Government set the Radical opposition at defiance. We persevered, however, and that Government fell to pieces. The present one is not able to stand an hour without our support: and we see in them the same recklessness, the same haughty and insolent bearing, the same contempt of the People. The same result will follow. Destruction will quickly overtake them. The People are beginning to believe that more good would be wrung from a Tory Ministry, than from this amphibious tribe, who, while pretending to be Liberals, hate liberality; and who, while pretending opposition to the Aristocracy, do all they can to shew that they are of the Aristocratic faction. The day of reckoning is at hand, and we shall live to see Whig and Tory swept from power, and a Government Price One Shilling. THE MONTHLY REPOSITORY for AUGUST, contains:-1. Warnings to the Tories, addressed to the Duke of Wellington-2. A Word in the Ear of Isaac Tomkins, Geut.-3. The Face-4. Opinions of a Modern Catholic upon Tithes -5. The Actress (continued)-6. Canada 7. William Cobbett-8. The Roebuck Pamphlets-9. Sketches of Domestic Life, by Mrs Leman Grimstone. No. 6. The Coquette-10. Critical Notices of New Publications, &c. Charles Fox, Paternoster row. THE LONDON REVIEW. Just published, with popular sympathies in their hearts, THE LONDON REVIEW, No. II. as well as popular sayings upon their lips, ruling in their stead. J. A. ROEBUCK. Advertisements. MR ROEBUCK'S PAMPHLETS. THE following Pamphlets have already appeared, and are still on Sale at the Office : On the Means of Conveying INFORMATION to the PEOPLE, &c. A LETTER to the Electors of Bath, on the CORPORATION REFORM BILL. The STAMPED PRESS of London and its Morality. The DORCHESTER LABOURERS. The AMUSEMENTS of the ARISTOCRACY and the PEOPLE. The AMERICAN BALLOT-Box, &c. PERSECUTION preached by the Parsons of the State Church in Ireland. USELESSNESS of the GUARDS in LONDON. TRADES' UNIONS: their Advantages to the Working Classes. FALLACIES of the HOUSE of COMMONS on the BALLOT in AMERICA. The TAXES on KNOWLEDGE, by F. PLACE, Esq. Just published, No. II. price Is. THE NATIONAL, MUNICIPAL, and PAROCHIAL REGISTER. Contents:-1. Poor Law Amendment Act-2. Archdeacons' Visitation Fees-3. Savings' Banks and Friendly Societies--4. Pauperism in Europe-5. Division of the Country for Administrative Purposes-6. Complexity of existing Arrangements -7. Sugges tions for improving them, by Poulett Scrope, M.P.— 9. Municipal Reform, Ireland-9. Illegitimacy in the parish of St George, Hanover square. London: Published by Effingham Wilson, 88 Royal Exchange. Contents: 1. The Church and its Reforms. 2. Napier on the Ionian Islands. 3. Crabbe's Life and Works. 4. Rationale of Political Representation. 5. Portugal and its Political Economy. 6. Retrenchment; Military Abuses. 7. Tennyson's Poems. 8. Philosophy of Dreaming. 9. Canada and its Grievances. 10. Prose Fictions. 11. Government and People of Austria. 12. Retrospect. Simpkin, Marshall, and Co.; Tait, Edinburgh. TITHES, CHURCH RATES, &c. Now publishing, price 6d., 18 pages foolscap 8vo. THE LIKELIEST MEANS to REMOVE HIRELINGS out of the CHURCH. Wherem is discoursed of, Tithes, Church Fees, and Church Revenues, and whether any Maintenance of Ministers can be settled by Law. By John Milton, Author of "Paradise Lost." "This is a cheap and neat reprint of the immortal Milton's nervously written and ably reasoned tract. It should be extensively distributed and closely studied at the present time."-Sacred Star. "This cheap reprint is timely. The ge nius of Milton has endowed his essay with vitality. The English is strong and nervous, the reasoning close, the argument strictly logical; and the sacred nature of the topic sourewhat subduing his powers of sarcasm, it affords a good specimen of his controversial merriment.' But perhaps the distinguishing characteristic of the tract is the learning it displays. Within the compass of forty five short pages the author selects from the Scriptures, the Fathers, the Councils, the Laws of England, and the history both of England and the Roman Empire, all that is necessary for his purpose."-Spectator. London: Cleave, 1 Pearl row, Blackfriars road; Wakelin, Shoe lane, Fleet street; sold also at 18 Commercial place, City road; 126 Strand; 8 Castle street, Leicester square; 12 Strutton ground, Westminster; Purkess, Compton street, Soho; Guest, Birmingham, Bready, Sheffield; Heywood, Manchester; J. G. Smith, Liverpool; and by all Agents for this Paper in town and country. LONDON: PUBLISHED BY JOHN LONGLEY, 14, TAVISTOCK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. From the Steam Press of C. & W. REYNELL, 14, 15, and 16 Little Pulteney street, Haymarket. FOR what objects were Orange Societies instituted ? The answer of an Orangeman is-"To support the Constitution of the country, and to maintain allegiance to his MAJESTY, in opposition to Societies of a rebellious and treasonable nature-to join the Government in protecting the country in case of foreign invasion, and for purposes of self-defence." Such was the answer of the Deputy-Grand Master of the Orange Society of Ireland, and its value shall immediately be shown. One of the first rules of Orange Societies is, that no Roman Catholic can be admitted as a Member. It at once exhibits their party character, and explains the purpose for which they exist. Their Constitutional objects are a mere pretence, too evident to be concealed by the generalities in which they are stated. By their exclusion, the disqualification of Roman Catholics must arise from their being considered hostile to the professed objects of such Societies; that is, that they are opposed to the Constitution of the country; that they object to the authority of the King; that they are concerned in rebellious and treasonable transactions; or that they are willing to join a foreign power. These are the reasons for association, and if a class of persons is excluded, it must be because the class will not co-operate in any of the objects of the Association. It requires little trouble to show that the apparently laudable ends of such Societies are not the true ones, and that it is neither the Constitution of the country, nor its Peace that they regard. The first Orange Society was established in the year 1795. Other Societies previously existed of a similar nature, though they did not assume such perfect organization as those by which they were ultimately entirely superseded. In order to comprehend the political circumstances which led to and gave importance to them, it is necessary to refer to rather an early period of Irish history. For various reasons, the Irish did not concur in the measures of the Reformation. They, upon the contrary, opposed, with much unanimity, the establishment of the Reformed Church of England in Ireland, to which had been assigned all the ecclesiastical fabrics, the right to tithes and other sources of income that had belonged to the Roman Catholic Establishment. In England, in Scotland, and in Germany, the great body of the People were converts to the Reformation. In Ireland they resisted the authority of the Legislature to force it upon them. The country itself had been badly governed for many years previously. Public officers had been sent out from England, who acted with great cruelty, From the Steam Press of C, & W. REYNELL, 14, 15, & 16 Little Pulteney street, Haymarket. and brought the English Government into general odium. After the Reformation also, settlements were attempted to be made of Protestants, who should colonise various districts, in order that some portion of the population might be favourable to the Government. For it must be remembered, that when an uniformity of worship was directed by the Legislature to be observed by the People without distinction, those who dissented from it opposed the law, and were generally hostile to the Government in consequence of the penalties to which they were subject. The privileges granted to the settlers added to the suspicion with which they were regarded, and they failed to aid the conversion of the great body of the Roman Catholics to Protestantism. Attempts were also made to obtain conformity to the established worship by force, which being continually repeated, and always unsuccessfully, were the occasion of constant evils. One portion of the population being harrassed and oppressed by the Government, and the other favoured, necessarily produced antipathies between them. The Roman Catholics were numerous, and were spread over the country; their opportunities to attack the Protestants were frequent, and more than once they inflicted a barbarous revenge upon their opponents. The Roman Catholics associated to protect themselves from the injustice of the Government-the Protestants to preserve the favour and partiality with which they were regarded by the Government, and, often under the pretence of self-defence, to attack the Roman Catholics. The one were called rebellious, the other loyal. A continued hostility between them was produced, which afforded the strongest possible evidence of the badness of the Government itself. If those ends only had been aimed at by those who governed, which should have secured to the great body of the people, without distinction, the advantages of an equal administration of the law, and all parties had been treated with fairness and justice, there would have been no cause of irritation, and no violence would have been exhibited. The Government would have been treated with respect if no advantage had been unjustly obtained by one party over the other. But rebellion and sedition in Ireland have been the frequent consequences of the power of the Government being exercised in favour of a particular party, in direct opposition to the feelings and wishes of the great majority of the population. Those who were favoured formed associations for what they termed their protection, and the Government accepted their assistance from the sense of its own weakness. If the Government had rejected the aid of all such bodies, resting its security upon the character of its measures, many of the difficulties it experienced would have been avoided. The country would have been peaceable, from the conviction that no injustice was intended, and that no measure hostile to a portion of the population could be effected without being checked in the ordinary, and, in this case," constitutional" manner. Party societies would have fallen to the ground,-they would have dispersed from the utter worthlessness of their proffered services, and the officers and the men would soon have learnt that their religion was the subject of individual responsibility, and not of legislative favour. But in Ireland all the sources of party animosity have been kept alive with the bitterest feelings. The Orangeman boasts of his loyalty and attachment to the constitution. The word "constitution" he does not well understand, or he would have learnt to have acted in a somewhat different manner than he does. His violent language is a sign that the term does not denote in his mind what it ought to do. The almost hereditary hatred which he exhibits to those of a different religious persuasion to himself, accompanied with affected reverence of the Government, is proof that loyalty means something beneficial to him, and mischievous to others, while the offers of support he constantly tenders to the Government, show the wretched and mischievous sentiments that he entertains. And why is this? Are Protestants and Catholics in Ireland to be at eternal war with each other? Do they live in hate in Germany? Do they not reside together in harmony and peace in our own possessions in Canada, where, as in Ireland, the great majority are Catholic? What has prevented their being united as peaceable citizens in Ireland? Simply because every ground of exasperation and ill-will has been favoured by the Government during a long series of years, distinguished for misrule. After the reformation had been fully established in this country, and the art of printing had assisted the promulgation of its principles to a degree that rendered their suppression impossible, some persons of great influence, and especially Charles II and James II, were anxious for the establishment of the Roman Catholic religion in this country in connection with State Institutions. The measures that were taken for this purpose were opposed to the existing regulations of the law, and were sought to be effected in an offensive manner. The feelings of the People were outraged; and James II lost the crown of England. In Ireland, his measures, though equally illegal, were in many respects more in the nature of concessions to the public than of abuses of the prerogative. The Parliament of Ire land, in consequence of such measures, was composed of those in whom the People confided; restrictions on the Roman Catholics were removed, and a general toleration of religious sects was offered. The Protestants, who had been the dominant party, were discontented, the Roman Catholics were satisfied. Troops were sent from England, and, at the battle of the Boyne, the Prince of ORANGE, known as WILLIAM III, personally commanding the army, defeated the adherents of JAMES II. The anniversary of this battle has been kept by the Protestants in Ireland in commemoration of their delivery, as they term it, from Papacy, and of the establishment of Protestant institutions. Others keep it in remembrance of the principles said to be established by the Revolution of 1688. In England, there are one set of associations connected with it; in Ireland, another. In England, those changes in the Government were effected of which the People approved; in Ireland, those changes prevented which the People desired. In the one country satisfaction was felt that the wishes and feelings of the public were respected; in the other, that they were violated. England was the more powerful country, from its wealth and its resources, and was, therefore, successful in its contest with Ireland. The errors committed arose from the misunderstanding of the nature and the objects of Government itself. What public opinion effected in England, it was prevented from doing in Ireland; the People being satisfied in the one case with the measures of the Government, the usual effects were produced, and tranquillity was restored; being dissatisfied in the other, disturbances and outrages were the necessary results. As soon as WILLIAM III was established on the throne, several laws were passed for the purpose of depressing |