the Roman Catholics. Protestant Ascendancy was the general cry, and every effort was made by the Protestant party to suppress doctrines to which they objected. In Ireland this was done to a great extent, and the dominant party were aided by the composition of the House of Commons, and the extent of time for which Members were elected. Roman Catholics were excluded from Parliament, and the Members of the House of Commons were elected for the life of the reigning Sovereign. The inconvenience of responsibility was thus entirely removed, and the Members of the House of Commons acquired interests separate and exempt from the controul of their Electors, as absolutely and as mischievously as they would have done if they had been made Members of the House of Lords. Many efforts were made to abolish this state of things; and, in the year 1767, partly by clamour and partly by intimidation, the House of Commons was induced to pass a Bill shortening the duration of Parliaments. The Lords assented to it, in the hope that it would have been negatived by the Crown, and that the odium of its rejection would not be thrown upon them. To the surprise, however, and the horror of both Houses, the Royal Assent was given to it.* In 1778, only a few years after, the Irish Catholic Relief Bill passed. It repealed many of the most offensive provisions of the statute, which the Dutchman "of glorious and immortal memory" had consented to inflict upon the country. From this time, until the present moment, the mass of the population of Ireland has, step by step, extorted from the Govern

The 7 Geo. III., c. 3 (Irish act). The preamble declares that the limitation of the duration of Parliament may tend to strengthen the harmony and good agreement subsisting between his MAJESTY and the People of Ireland, and it enacts that Parliaments shall in future continue for eight years only.

ment that consideration of their interests, and that regard in the estimation of the legislature, of which it is in vain to attempt, for any length of time, to deprive a people who have opportunities of education,* and of which they cannot even be temporarily deprived without exciting great dissatisfaction.

Every advantage gained by the mass of the population in Ireland deprived the Protestant faction of a portion of their power, and of the fruits of misgovernment. Having for a long time enjoyed all the benefits which the partial favour of the Government could confer, they were loath to permit it to diminish, and contested every encroachment made on them with ferocity and zeal. The peculiarity of their position they either did not or cared not to regard. The undue influence they had obtained was never suggested to them, and it was ascribed to treasonable intentions when any suggestion was made that the Roman Catholics were entitled to equal favour and protection with themselves. But with them the term Protestant was associated with ascendancy-with the monopoly of power-with the possession of all that it is desirable for persons to aspire to

The effects of education have always been feared by those who know their interests differ from that of the mass of the population. In 1714 the Schism Bill was brought into Parliament. It prohibited, in the first instance, Dissenters from having schools; but, after a warm debate in the House of Lords, schools for reading, writing, and mathematics, were excepted from its operation. The Lords thought reading, writing, and mathematics, harmless-a more extensive education might have made pupils inquisitive and intelligent. When the Clergy of the Established Church a few years since were compelled to set up National Schools, they confined their instruction to reading, writing, and arithmetic, and reading to religious books. The reason is obvious. The ancient free schools of England, the grammar schools, were established to afford to all classes of society, enlarged, liberal, and comprehensive means of instruction-the best the age could give. Their advantages have since been confined to the children of rich parents; and many a child who is entitled to be admitted into them, is sent to a National School, where his instruction is of the most meagre character.

obtain. In the mind of the Catholic it implied political and social degradation, disqualification to appointments of offices of trust and value-the unequal administration of the law-the infliction of the grossest injustice, under pretence of carrying the law into effect, regulations which interfered with all public confidence, and destroyed the security of private happiness. Nevertheless, the Protestant now complains that the Government acts with injustice, and unduly favours the Roman Catholics. Every Act of Parliament which has deprived him of opportunities to oppress, has been treated as an interference with his privileges, and his title to ascendancy.

These complaints have been made by Orangemen whenever any concession to the Roman Catholics has been granted. Their absurdity is easily shown. The change effected in laws relating to Roman Catholics, by the mere alteration of the duration of Parliament, shows how little of voluntary sacrifice of Protestant interests there has been in any concession. Nor could it be otherwise. Every Government subject to the control of a representative body, must adopt the principles and the feelings that are current among the People. There may be measures which the Government would wish to avoid, and occasions when resistance to particular acts is desirable; but unless something like despotic power is exercised, any such wish will be unavailing, unless it is supported by public opinion. Many are the beneficial measures which it would be desirable to carry into operation, if the public mind were favourable to them. Unfortunately it is not, and they must remain unexecuted until their excellence shall be generally understood. In a representative Government changes must be made according to the wishes and feelings of the community. Good or bad will be in

flicted by the Government according as the community is ignorant or instructed; for whatever are the prevalent opinions, with those the Government will be affected.* Through any system of representation, every class will endeavour to obtain an influence in the Government; and in proportion to their numbers, their intelligence, and their wealth, they will succeed. If the Legislature makes a law more favourable to one class than to another, it is not to be ascribed to private partiality or individual favour exhibited by those who govern, but as a concession obtained through the political influence of those to whom it is granted. Parties objecting to any such concession will strenuously resist it; and, provided no partial aid is given to them by the Government, their resistance will be without evil. The contest, in these cases, is determined by the opinion of the community. Before the Roman Catholics could obtain any concession from the Legislature, it was necessary that the community should be able to judge of their demands. So long as ignorance prevailed respecting their wishes and desires, the atrocities of Lord GEORGE GORDON's riots were almost unavoidable. As the People became intelligent their prejudices gave

"As it may always be alleged that a People's usages' and 'dispositions' are adverse to the reforms which any body has his reasons for disliking, this is a standing argument against all reform; though it is easily seen to be utterly worthless for that purpose, because, if any man says that such or such a measure is good for the People, but the People do not see that it is good for them, there is only one honest course open to him, and that is, immediately to set about instructing them. If anything is really good for the People, it is rarely indeed a very difficult matter to make them see that it is so. The only difficulty is with that class of persons who see that whether good or not for the People, it will not be good for them; who, therefore, do all they can to misguide the People. The mistakes of a People regarding their own interest may commonly be rectified, where much influence and artifice are not employed to delude them. What is only wanted is to unmask the influence and detect the artifice."--Fragment on Mackintosh, by —

way, and they learnt that religious différences, instead of being causes of hate and ill-will, were to be respected; and that religious exercises, however opposite in their kind, may be as acceptable to man's Maker as those which the multitude may perform. When this degree of intelligence prevailed in the community, the influence of the Roman Catholics in the Legislature was established, and through the Legislature in the Government itself. The measures that have been adopted in consequence have been subject to the same control.

There are those, and every Orangeman is of this opinion, who think that the advantages the Roman Catholics have gained, will lead to the re-occurrence of the old and black days of priestly despotism, and to the degrading absurdities which once fettered the thoughts of

men.

Foolish and idle expectations! The very principles which led to the establishment of Protestantism, are those which should lead Protestants to respect Catholics, though they may dislike their doctrines, and induce them at all times strenuously to contend for religious equality. The great principle of the Reformation was the assertion of the individual responsibility of every person to ascertain, as far as his capabilities permit, the truth of the religious doctrines which he professes. The Bible was placed in the hands of the poor and the partially educated, on the ground that they are able to understand its contents sufficiently well to judge respecting them.

Individual responsibility, the duty of ascertaining the truth, were the great principles of Protestant dissent. All persons were encouraged to deal fairly with the Bible, and to endeavour to ascertain the truth of the doctrines which priests or laymen might inculcate principles that were too early departed from, and which are hardly now generally acknowledged, though they are the only ones

principles

on which difference with the Church of Rome or with the Church of England can be justified. They have been frequently urged by some of the ablest divines of the Church of England, and are remarkably well stated in the following passage from the writings of the Rev. Dr Owen, a celebrated Independent minister, who lived during the period of the Commonwealth, and whose writings are still very deservedly esteemed :

"As for religion, it is the choice of man, and he that chooseth not his religion, hath none, for although it is not of necessity that a man formally chooses a religion, or one way in religion in opposition unto and with the rejection of another, yet it is so that he chooses in opposition to no religion, and with judgment about it, and approbation of that which he doth embrace, which hath the nature of a voluntary choice."*

It is this doctrine of personal responsibility which should induce even Orangemen, as good Protestants, to respect Roman Catholics; and which, so long as printing as an art shall exist, and sufficient education prevail to enable more than a few to read, will never expire; it is the foundation of all genuine religion, though not of uniformity of belief; and will for ever prevent the re-establishment of

Indulgence and Toleration considered." The author, Dr Owen, received his early education at Oxford, at a time when a very able and intelligent race of divines frequented the cloisters of that ancient, but now bigoted, university. He affords a strong example of the advantages which Dissenters would derive if students of every sect were not compelled to subscribe their assent to, or according to the shallow jesuistry of Bishop Copleston, their assent to be taught, the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England. He was a very able and learned person, and affords a strong contrast to those who are the ministers of many sects now differing from the Church of England-a contrast which an improper exclusion from participating in the advantages of National Institutions has produced, and which before the lapse of many years will without doubt be destroyed.

the priestly domination of any sect. The Orangemen of Ireland, the asserters of Protestant Ascendancy, the admirers of the doctrines of the Reformation, do not perceive the very principles which they affect to commend. There is little difference between the blind assent they require, and the assent to the dogmas of the Catholic Church, which they are accustomed to blame. They do not know that it was not the law which created Protestantism, that it was not the superior wisdom of some given individual which induced men to become Protestants, but the willing co-operation of the People of England that enabled the law which gave ascendancy to Protestantism to be passed. The law was a bad one, and is not to be defended. It is one of many examples of a spirit of persecution which generally prevailed when it was passed, among both Catholics and Protestants. But the principles which it was to support preceded its enactment, and were those which would have had extensive influence, if the law had never existed. merit of the changes it was intended to support did not arise from any resistance they offered to the Church of Rome, for mere opposition would have been worthless; but from their giving force and effect to an important principle of action connected with religious professions and the formation of religious belief-a principle assented to by the People, and which intelligent Protestants now extend not simply to those who are members of sects differing from the Church of Rome, but even to the members of that Church itself.

The

Orangemen, however, have talkedas ignorant men entertaining their opinions usually do talk-of the political evils of the Catholic religion, and of the aid it has within the last few years received from the Government. The talk is idle and foolish. They are looking at the absolute power which, as mem

bers of a favoured sect, they formerly possessed, and of which they are now deprived. It is not their love of religious truth which excites their lamentations, or they would not have sought temporal aid to assist in the establishment of doctrines which must depend entirely upon the evidence which supports such doctrines; nor would they have employed any of the means they have adopted to induce Catholics to relinquish their religious creed, if the desire

to establish the truth had been their chief wish. A very powerful and old writer has somewhere said, "That an Englishman scorns to have his religion cudgelled out of him, but show him when his feet slide, and you take his judgment and affections prisoners." Religious truths are no more to be cudgelled into Irishmen, than they are to be cudgelled out of an Englishman. The mode in which they are to be taught is by laying bare the evidence which supports them; by dealing fairly with all doubts and difficulties, never endeavouring through fear to silence when the reason is to be convinced, or, in the words of a heathen writer, whose sentiments are worthy of universal adoption

Knowing that enmity and danger are the attendants on force, while the path of persuasion is all security and goodwill; for they who are compelled hate whoever compels them, supposing they have been injured; whereas we conciliate the affections of those we gain by persuasion, while they consider it a kindness to be applied to in such a manner." Whatever evils may accompany Catholicism are to be removed by argument and persuasion, and not by the law.

But the Orangemen of Ireland, utterly ignorant of the great moral principles the Reformation sanctioned, and careless of that respect for the law which they idly profess to inculcate, are associated to oppose all endeavours to re

lieve Roman Catholics from the civil disabilities which, from the constitution of general and local institutions, grievously affect them. While the Government exhibited partiality to Protestants, the whole character of the Government was that of a party or faction. The law was administered with partiality; the Grand Jurors were Protestants; the Magistrates were Protestants; so were the Members of the Legislature, and the Officers of State; even the privilege of being a Barrister was for some time confined to that sect, and if a member of that profession married a Roman Catholic lady, he was disbarred. Every public act bore a party complexion, and was directed to party ends.

And for whose benefit was this? For that of a miserable minority, who bore the same proportion to Roman Catholics that the following table of the religious division of the population of Ireland, in 1835, exhibits :

So that the injustice committed by the Government, and the favour shown to a particular party, was for the benefit of far less than one-eighth of the whole population. And this partiality was exhibited in the most oppressive forms. It extended to everything which the Government could reach; it affected the imposition of taxes, and the mode in which property should be enjoyed; it held out inducements to children to give information of the religious exercises practised under their paternal roof, to betray the religion of the parents, in order to gain at once that property which might become theirs in the ordinary course of nature. Education was forbidden to the Roman Catholics by restraints of a most disgraceful character.

An horrible system of private and domestic suspicion was created; there was no confidence that was not liable to be betrayed. The most tempting rewards were held out for the sacrifice of all honourable feelings, while every encouragement was given to the exhibition of the grossest depravity. Attempts were made to destroy morality among the People, and there was hardly any act of injustice of which the law did not approve. This was Protestant Ascendancy; this was the system Orangeism was established to perpetuate. Government aided the attempt, and having done everything to degrade and to vitiate the character of the mass of the population, astonishment is expressed that crime should be more frequent in Ireland than in England, and more frequent in some of the Catholic counties of Ireland, than in the counties in which Protestants are numerous !

The

This system has also produced effects which will for a long time seriously interfere with the establishment of an impartial Government in Ireland. The Roman Catholics have learnt to watch with suspicion all the acts of the Legislature, and to believe that every public measure has a party object, and they necessarily entertain the greatest jealousy lest any undue favour should be shown to those who have always acted towards them with the bitterest hostility. These feelings are so acute, and have been so well founded, that suspicion of public men will be kept alive long after the occasion of it exists. It is necessary to remove them, in order that the Government should possess that confidence, without which it can have no extensive utility. The only mode of effecting this is bad, though it cannot be avoided. It is by a strong leaning towards the majority, and by the exhibition of a degree of partiality which, under other circumstances, might show an undue disre