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istence, though still it is to be lamented. But since the advantages of the connexion have, by various acts of the Legislature, been greatly diminished, and are likely to be altogether removed, it is to be regretted that those whose rank alone gives them influence, should support opinions, the mischievous effect of which is obvious. the sanction of such persons, the existence of Orange Societies is at the present time entirely maintained. The late Duke of YORK was the Grand Master of Orange Societies, and on his death the Duke of CUMBERLAND was appointed to the office. Other persons of rank and wealth are connected with them, and the Bishop of SALISBURY is prelate of the order. These persons interfere with the ordinary business of the Government, by pretending to give it support, which it does not need, and which, if it was of use to the Government, would show that the Government itself was bad. They excuse their association by the jargon which is very uniform, and of which the following is a specimen. is part of a letter, dated June 21, 1832, addressed by the Duke of CUMBERLAND to the Orange Societies of Ireland:

It

"We are now assuredly in an awful crisis. We know not in whom to place confidence for our security from reprehension, even when influenced solely by the most loyal sentiments of attachment to our gracious Sovereign, and to that sacred Protestant cause; or, to express the same thing in other words, that Orange cause, to maintain which our family of Brunswick was called to the throne, and which I, for one, will never abandon."

It could not be expected that the Duke of CUMBERLAND could understand the principles which seated his family on the throne, but those about him might have understood them. It

seems never to have occurred to him that the conduct of JAMES was objectionable, simply because he acted in opposition to the law. His despotic proceedings were connected with religion, and therefore Protestantism was one of the great questions connected with the establishment of the Prince of ORANGE upon the throne. But the conduct of JAMES was censurable, upon account of the illegality with which he attempted to carry his measures. This the Duke of CUMBERLAND, as member of the House of Brunswick, standing in the order of succession to the throne, should not forget. If the people had been as intelligent and instructed as they now are, they would have understood that no political evils necessarily arise from Catholicism, and that the acts of religious persecution, by the relation of which they were constantly excited, were peculiar to a state of society far different from that which could again. exist; and the religion of JAMES the Second would not have been confounded with the illegality of his proceedings.

It has been the interest of those who profited by the Established Church, as a source of pecuniary gain, to misrepresent the conduct of JAMES II, and for a long time they were too successful. It was his illegal acts which justified his expulsion from the throne, and this the Duke of CUMBERLAND should clearly understand.

Respect for the law, or submission to the acts of the legislature, was the principle which placed the House of Brunswick upon the throne. Let us see how the Duke of CUMBERLAND has observed it. He is a Field Marshal and an officer of the English army—an army governed by Act of Parliament. As it is not possible to controul military bodies in the same manner as any other association of men, it is necessary they should be under very strict discipline; and that those who issue any orders

of

affecting them, should be authorised to issue the orders, and should be responsible for them. The reasons for this are very plain--even the Duke of CUMBERLAND should be able to comprehend them. Now, among the soldiers of the Army are many Roman Catholics, who, when brought to live on terms of intimacy with persons of other religious persuasions, would soon abandon any personal prejudice which their religious opinions might have excited. A cordial feeling among the men this kind, ought to be encouraged, inasmuch as it contributes to their happiness, and to the maintenance of obedience and discipline. Suppose an Orange Lodge is formed in a regiment, and that many of the men are Roman Catholics. Will the members of the Lodge entertain kindly feelings towards the Roman Catholics, or will the Roman Catholics be otherwise than jealous of the conduct of the Protestants? Will not the Irish soldier who is a Catholic remember the events which have occurred in his own country, and be at once alarmed at his position? Will he not associate and band himself with those of his own creed; meet with them secretly; plan designs against his comrades, and feel himself in a state of insecurity? He will inquire what are the religious views of his officers, and, according as they oppose or coincide with his. own, favourably or unfavourably interpret the commands he receives. All the motives to good behaviour will be shaken, and the proper discipline and control that officers should maintain in their regiments will soon be seriously affected. There will be an imperfect organization of the regiment-two divisions separated by religious differences, as much disposed to act against each other as against a common enemy. In such troops no Government could have any confidence. They would be subject to rules unknown to

their officers, and under the influence of solemn declarations-that is, oaths, for swearing upon the Evangelists, does not enter into the essential qualities of an oath-which are kept secret and controlled by the orders that are unknown, and that are issued by persons unknown and irresponsible for them. Would not measures which produced this state of things, which would make the army a nuisance, and deprive it of the limited degree of utility which arises from it, be measures of more than a slight degree of illegality, as well as criminality-sufficient, from the danger they threaten, to startle the noisiest declaimer on the principles which seated the House of Brunswick on the Throne?* Yet Orange Lodges do exist in regiments-Orange Lodges of which the Duke of CUMBERLAND is Grand Master; sitting under warrants signed by him with his name, and having the same ends which have been productive of so much ill blood in Ireland. The warrants are said to have been issued in blank, and that the Duke of CUMBERLAND was ignorant of the persons to whom they were directed. The public are not in possession of any evidence distinctly to prove the contrary, though facts have been stated in the House of Commons which make the asserted ignorance of the Duke of CUMBERLAND more than doubtful. In a few days we shall be better informed, and shall then know whether acts which are subversive of all discipline in the army, are sanctioned by an officer of the highest military rank, and by a member of the House of Brunswick, whose loyalty and

When the principles which seated the House of Brunswick on the Throne are talked of, let it be recollected that one of the first acts of the first of the new dynasty of Guelphs (1 Geo. I. c. 38), was to poison the Constitution of the country; of that country, the voice of which called him to the Throne-by consenting that those who had been elected for three years should, by their own vote, sit for seven. And thus septennial instead of triennial Parliaments were established. BENTHAM.

attachment to the Constitution is represented to be singularly devoted.

It would be impossible, in a few pages, to run through the many illegal proceedings with which Orangeism is connected in Ireland. It is sufficient to state its general tendency. When it has been connected with the Government, partiality in the administration of the law; oppression in various forms; general discontent and disaffection have been produced. Protestants, as well as Catholics, have admitted this to be the case; and in confirmation of it, though taking distinct parts of a mass of evidence may be subject to suspicion, it may be useful to quote the opinion of Lord GOSFORD, the Protestant LordLieutenant of the county of Armagh.

3715. "Your Lordship would not say that the common character of the Orangemen is refusal of obedience to the laws? I do not think that their general principles, as published, go to that extent; but I have no doubt that the formation of the Orange Body has led to a great deal of lawless conduct, and very injurious consequences."

3991. "Your Lordship came here under a very strong impression against the Orange principle?-I have decidedly a very strong impression-a very strong anxiety to see that Orange system put an end to, because I think it is to the interest of Protestants, the peace of the country, and the peace and security of property, that it should be so."

This opinion all but Orangemen must entertain, for it is impossible the system could exist, connected as it is, in the minds of the Roman Catholics with the most painful associations, without producing all the consequences stated by Lord GOSFORD. And yet the evils which it inflicts are not sufficiently appalling, nor the illegal acts which it occasions sufficiently mischievous to prevent it receiving the support of persons of rank-of lay and ecclesiastical

nobles. It is justified by some on account of the character of the Irish people. Their temperament is said to differ from that of the English; their Government is good enough for them, but they are dull, and will not perceive its excellencies; there is an impatience about them which prevents their obeying the law; their very nature prevents them from being peaceable and orderly in their behaviour. But has any other system than coercion ever been tried, in order to ascertain its influence? "Laws," said Lord CHARLEMONT, "of the most sanguinary and unconstitutional nature have been enacted; the country has been disgraced and exasperated by frequent and bloody executions; and the gibbet, that perpetual resource of weak and cruel legislators, has groaned under the multitude of starving criminals. Yet, while the cause is suffered to exist, the effects will ever follow." A good government has never prevailed, and from the mode in which our House of Lords is dealing with the English Municipal Reform Bill, will evidently not exist in Ireland for some time to come. The influence of a faction will be allowed to prevail, and the People will continue to be censured for the vices which distinguish only their rulers.

But, whatever illegalities Orangeism may have produced in Ireland, there can be no doubt that its existence in England is also against the law. The act against Corresponding Societies is still in force, which makes Associations, constituted as the Orange Societies are, illegal. The Printing Presses of Messrs LOVATT and SAVAGE have been seized under its provisions, accompanied with circumstances of the greatest hardship. The Presses were not registered, and, from the neglect of a mere formality, were taken possession of by the Officers of the Government. Their owners were guilty of no offence; they had done nothing that the law condemned, except

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THE following Pamphlets have THE MONTHLY REPOSITORY

already appeared, and are still on Sale at the

Office:

On the Means of Conveying INFORMATION to the PEOPLE, &c.

A LETTER to the Electors of Bath, on the CORPORATION REFORM BILL.

The STAMPED PRESS of London and its Morality.

The DORCHESTER LABOURERS.

The AMUSEMENTS of the ARISTOCRACY and the PEOPLE. The AMERICA BALLOT-BOX, &c. PERSECUTION preached by the Parsons of the State Church in Ireland. USELESSNESS of the GUARDS in LONDON.

TRADES' UNIONS: their Advantages to the Working Classes. FALLACIES of the HOUSE of COMMONS on the BALLOT in AMERICA.

The TAXES on KNOWLEDGE, by F. PLACE, Esq.

Of WHAT USE is the HOUSE of LORDS?

POLITICAL TRACTS.

THE following Tracts are on Sale by

Mr Longley, at the Office, in Tavistock Street :1. ISAAC TOMKINS and PETER JENKINS. A Sketch of the Aristocracy of England in the year 1835, by ISAAC TOMKINS, Gent., and a Letter to that Gentleman on the same subject, by Mr PETER JENKINS. Printed for distribution, price Twopence.

2. VOTE by BALLOT.-The Article on the Ballot in the "London Review," lately published (from the pen of a distinguished Political writer), being a Dialogue between a Farmer, a Schoolmaster, and a Squire. Neatly printed in a pocket size, and stitched in a coloured wrapper.-Price Twopence.

3. CORN LAWS.-Viscount Milton's (now Earl Fitzwilliam) Address to the Landowners of Great Britain on the Corn Laws.-Price Three Half-pence.

4. Mr HUME'S SPEECH on the MALT TAX, delivered on the Marquis Chandos's Motion.-Twopence.

for AUGUST, oontains:-1. Warnings to the Tories, addressed to the Duke of Wellington-2. A Word in the Ear of Isaac Tomkius, Gent.-3. The Face-4. Opinions of a Modern Catholic upon Tithes -5. The Actress (continued)-6. Canada 7. William Cobbett-8. The Roebuck Pamphlets-9. Sketches of Domestic Life, by Mrs Leman Grimstone. No. 6. The Coquette-10. Critical Notices of New Publica. tions, &c. Charles Fox, Paternoster row.

THE LONDON REVIEW.
Just published,

THE LONDON REVIEW, No. II.

Contents:

1. The Church and its Reforms. 2. Napier on the Ionian Islands. 3. Crabbe's Life and Works.

4. Rationale of Political Representation. 5. Portugal and its Political Economy. 6. Retrenchment; Military Abuses.

7. Tennyson's Poems.

8. Philosophy of Dreaming.

9. Canada and its Grievances.

10. Prose Fictions.

11. Government and People of Austria. 12. Retrospect.

Simpkin, Marshall, and Co.; Tait, Edinburgh.

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DESTRUCTIVE ANIMALCULE.

READ begs most respectfully to

inform Noblemen, Gentlemen, Nurserymen, &c. that, after thirty-one years experience in Prac tical Gardening, and nineteen in Mechanical Science, he has just sealed his FIFTH PATENT for certain improvements in HYDRAULIC MACHINERY, for the purpose of subduing those Destructive Insects which make such deadly havoc on all Fruit Trees aud Plants at this season of the year. These Machines are adapted for every purpose of Horticulture, from a Syringe that may be used by a Lady, to that of a powerful GARDEN or FIRE-ENGINE, that may be worked by two or by ten able men. It is worthy of a place in every Mansion or Factory where there is danger of fire.-Made to order, of any dimensions, from the Single Hand to a powerful Fire-engine; the valvular action is such that they cannot get out of repair, and may be brought to act in an instant.May be seen and proved at the Patentee's, 35, Regent Circus, Piccadilly.

LONDON-PUBLISHED BY JOHN LONGLEY,
14, TAVISTOCK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.

From the Steam Press of C. & W. REYNELL, 14, 15, and 18 Little Pulteney street, Haymarket

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PARLIAMENTARY NOTICES-MR HANMER, &c. &c.

EDITED BY

J. A. ROEBUCK, M.P.

[PRICE THREE HALFPENCE.]

THE EVILS OF A HOUSE OF LORDS.

In a pamphlet which I published a short time since, I promised to examine the worth of some of the arguments commonly brought forward in favour of the House of Lords; I am now about to fulfil that promise.

The late doings of the House of Lords are by some persons fancied to be the result of some extraordinary mistake on the part of the majority of its members. It is supposed and said, that such conduct is not the natural or necessary effect of the institution itself, but that it has flowed from a peculiar and rare inefficiency or unworthiness on the part of those who now constitute the Lords. This appears to me a great,

a very serious mistake. The present
Peers are not peculiarly to blame; their
conduct is by no means extraordinary,
nor is it more mischievous than that of
their predecessors. They are but con-
tinuing in their old accustomed road,
while the People have fortunately been
able to force the Commons out of it.
The Lords act as they do, because they
are Lords, not because they are bad
Lords. The cause of the evil lies in
the nature of the institution, not in the

men.

They oppose the wishes of the People. True; but why do they so? Because the wishes of the People are in direct opposition to the interests of the

From the Steam Press of C. & W. REYNELL, 14, 15, & }\6 Little Pulteney street, Haymarket.

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