"Resolved, That the white suffrage constitution, now offered to the people of this State for their adoption, is more odious and hateful to the true principles of liberty than the old charter, and cannot receive the support of any true republican or christian. "Mr. Foster advocated the adoption of the resolution. He said that every man who voted for the constitution denied that man has natural rights. "He said that the rights of the people were safer as they now are, in the hands of the minority, than they would be in the hands of those admitted under the constitution; and that every man who voted for the constitution naturally said to the slaveholder, 'Go on and enslave, and murder the soul and body of the negro, and we will stand up in your defence.' "He referred to the New Age, and said that in that sheet they were taunted as interlopers from other States. "He said that Congress would never sanction the constitution, because it was not a republican constitution, and never could be, so long as it did not include the whole human family. "He said that, under the landholders' constitution, the blacks could obtain the right of voting, if industrious, &c., &c., &c., of a like nature. "F. Douglass, a runaway slave, next took the stand. He is a man of some natural talent, and I could wish that he was in better company. He evidently labored hard to say what his instructors had told him. He followed nearly in the same train of argument as those who had preceded him, and declared that he was bound by the laws of God to oppose any constitution that would be in accordance with the constitution, if I understood him. "On his taking his seat, a stranger arose and replied to their reasonings in an able manner. He also referred to the principles advocated by the same gentlemen in Providence. He was followed by Mr. Allen, of this village, who said that he had been libelled by the speakers, and that he would not sit quietly for persons from other States to judge of his and his associates' motives. "At this stage of the discussion, one of the committee of the house stated that the house was not engaged for such discussion; but Mr. Foster again got the floor, and declared that he had the floor-he would stand, in or out of order, unless the convention decided that they would not hear him. "He commenced speaking; but the house was becoming in confusion, so that no one could be heard, and one of the committee who had charge of the house declared that the meeting was dissolved, and that no further discussion would be held in that house. The fascinating Abby Kelly entered the pulpit, and begged that they might have leave to adjourn in order; but the committee were determined, and would not even let her have a hearing. Thus has ended the convention which was intended to enlighten the people of Scituate. "A suffrage meeting was immediately called at the hall of the Temperance Hotel, which was crowded to overflowing, and addressed by several gentlemen with much spirit and propriety, until near 11 o'clock, when the meeting was dismissed with three cheers for the success thus far of the PEOPLE'S RIGHTS." I will also refer to the ballots given against the adoption of that constitution in the towns of Little Compton, South Kingstown, and other towns. The ballots used in those towns are expressive upon this matter. Hence I am confident that there was no ground to charge the friends of the people's constitution with any purpose or design to aid abolition, nor that the reform sought for in adopting a constitution was "an abolition move ment." The people engaged in the cause of political reform in that State understood, and continue to understand, something about the different races of mankind. They then well understood, and they now understand, what is the political meaning in civil government in this country of the word PEOPLE. They have never contended, and they never will contend, that it means or signifies ALIENS, INDIANS, or SLAVES. 14. Question by the committee. Have you any other documents or papers in your possession, not referred to in your answers, that you deem of importance to the investigation of this matter? If you have, please annex them to your testimony. Auswer. I have many documents and papers that may be important in investigating this matter. Annexed (marked C) is the copy of a petition to the General Assembly of Rhode Island, and of an act that passed the Senate in February, 1811, to extend suffrage. The same gentleman that was the Governor of Rhode Island then, is now the Governor. The Governor then was, and now is, the presiding officer of the Senate. Annexed (marked D) is the copy of a constitution proposed to the freeholders of that State in 1824, and rejected. This constitution did not extend suffrage, nor did it equalize representation. Also, (marked E,) is an address to the people of Rhode Island from the constitutional convention of 1834. It gives, I believe, a true history of the legislation of that State upon suffrage under the charter. Also, (marked F) is a copy of what is called the landholders' constitution, which was rejected in March, 1842. The convention which framed this constitution was authorized by the General Assembly, upon the petition of the town (or of the citizens of the town) of Smithfield, asking for an increase of representation in that town. The petition did not, I believe, ask for any extension of the right of suffrage. The resolutions of the Assembly, calling the convention, authorized the convention to frame a constitution, either in whole or in part, to be submitted to the freemen. And although, at the same session, one or more petitions were presented to extend suffrage, yet no allusions were made to them by the committee; and the design of the charter government evidently was to form part of a constitution, and in it to make the representation more equal; for the town of Smithfield was the second town in the State in point of population, and it was important undoubtedly to the ruling party in the State not to offend the party sensibilities of its inhabitants. Also, (marked G,) is a copy of the constitution which the de facto government of the State claims now to act under. It is remarkable for nothing except for the liability, if not for the certainty, of being misunderstood and misconstrued; especially in the second article, on the qualification of elec tors. I also refer to ARTICLE FOURTH, on the legislative power, and particularly to the first, teuth, aud eighteenth sections of said article. To make the oppressions of the charter government more intolerable to the people, and to reign in perfect dominion, they, in 1842, construed the charter to grant power to the General Assembly to declare martial law, or, as the charter says, “the law martial." This is clearly a mistaken stretch of power; for when the charter speaks of the law martial, it evidently means to confer the power upon the officers in the field, or in command, in a state of war; not legislative bodies nor persons-for the terms "commanders, gov ernors, and military officers" appointed, &c., indicate that that power is to be used for the special defence and safety of the inhabitants; and they, and not the Legislature, are authorized to "use and exercise the law martial," &c. It would seem, then, and it is believed that the tenth section expressly meant to give to the General Assembly the power to put the State under martial law whenever they choose, although the fourth section seems to put the military under the civil authority. Again: the first act of the General Assembly authorizing this convention, required that A MAJORITY of all those qualified to vote under said constitution to be framed, should be necessary for its adoption; but subsequently, after the convention had had one session, and adjourned to meet again, the General Assembly, under a pretext of construing the first act, passed a second one, only requiring that a majority of those who voted upon the question of its adoption should be necessary to adopt it. This is another strong evidence that the charter party then knew, or was well satisfied, that a majority of the people were not with them. This indicates, also, (rather strongly too,) that then, at least, they believed and relied very much in the power and efficacy of majorities in establishing and changing govern ments. Also, (marked H,) is a copy of the proceedings of the convention of the State of Rhode Island, holden at Newport in May, 1790, which ratified the constitution of the United States. This, I apprehend, is an authentic act of the legal people of the State. I would here call the attention of the committee to an act, or bill, which I believe passed one or the other House of Congress just prior to that time, by which Rhode Island was to be treated as a foreign State. Also, (marked I.) is a copy of the report of a committee of the charter Legislature, after the defeat of the landholders' constitution. The committee consisted entirely of the charter party, and therefore does not give the whole cause which defeated that instrument. They have only put so much into the report as would serve as an apology before the world for the law passed at that session, called "An act in relation to offences against the sovereign power of the State." Marked K are certain resolutions, declaring the object the democratic party had in taking part in the election of 1843, under the present constitution. The people, in 1843, protested against the present constitution of the State, upon the ground that it was a usurpation; that it was proposed simultaneously with martial law, and that the delegates to the convention were elected under martial law; and, in fine, that it was established, and the government under it, by intimidation, proscription, tyranny, and cruelty. With these views, amid the grinding powers of a moneyed aristocracy, the people (most of them) consented, under their solemn protest, to register their names, in hopes, by their exertions, to yet establish that government, in a peaceable manner, that had been, as they believed, prostrated by the strong arm of the executive power of the United States. The following table is the vote cast in that State, at different times, upon Votes against the Algerine constitution, 51. The following table of population, freemen, estimate, &c., was prepared |