« AnteriorContinuar »
CIVIL SERVICE LAW:
DEFENSE OF ITS PRINCIPLES, WITH CORROBORATIVE EVIDENCE
FROM THE WORKS OF MANY EMINENT
WILLIAM HARRISON CLARKE.
THIRD EDITION, RE-REVISED, WITH SECOND APPENDIX.
Offices are public trusts, not private spoils. - Daniel Webster.
No people have a higher public interest, except the preservation of their
NEW YORK :
27 PARK PLACE.
Copyright, 1897, by WILLIAM HI. CLARKE.
THE NEW Tvar,
LENOX AND CI IL SERVICE NOTES. I BENACONDATOON8.tlle navy yards (about 125 employments, such a3 draftsn89,7 ordnance nen, machinists, calkers, oakum makers and spinners, dredgers, divers, drillers, &c., about 5,000 men), was put on a merit basis by Benj. F. Tracy in 1891. There are yards at Brooklyn, Boston, Portsmouth, N. 11. Philadelphia (League Island); San Francisco (Mare Island); imitir, D. C., Norfolk, Va., and Pensacola, Fla., with stations at VC, if n' n, Ct., Port Royal, s. C., &c.
Tracy's order was maken; int by Cleveland on Nov. 2, 1896.
In the railway ruil serving th: umber of pieces distributed correctly to earli error in 1894 3,072; in 1894, 7,832 ; 1895, 8,894 ; 1896, 9,843. The dis102.831 in 1890 was caused by wholesale partisan reunals in the indi z of 1889, just prior to the introduction of the merit system in 110 railway mail service.
are number of pursons examined from July 16, 1883, to June 30, 1839, was 86,7 8; (see page xvi); from July 1, 1890, to June 30, 1891, 19.074; to 1892, 19,460; 1893, 24,838; 1894, 37,379; '95, 31,036 ; '96, 31,179—total, 249,644 ; passed, 156,368; appointed, 48,421.
Te number of women examined from January 16, 1886, to June 30, 1894, was 16,802; 1895, 3,632 ; '96, 2,767—total, 23,201 ; passed, 17,038. Of the 73,000 postmasters about 7,000 are women, Virginia leading with over 500. In the Washington classified service about a serenth are women, with a much larger proportion in the unclassified.
There are nearly 2,500 colored employés in the public service in Washington--classified and unclassified. Many colored men and a few colored women, graduates of colored schools and colleges in the South, have passed examinations and been appointed to office.
INDEX TO SECOND APPENDIX, ETC. ADAMS J. attacks Mr. Lee, 237. Huxley T. H. on comparison, 177. Andrews C. C. on consuls, 185. Jones George, testimony of, 240. Bateman N. verácity of, 244. Lamon W. H. on Lincoln, 84, 240, Butler P. rash speeches of, 236. 243, 244, 247. Butler Wm. nobility of, 247. Lincoln A. wrongdoing of, 239-248 Butler's (Benjamin F.) two offers Maclay Wm. journal of, 233-238;
of the vice-presidency, 241-2. neglects to record “sundry arCameron S. testimony of, 242.
guments," sublime sentiment of, Carroll C. power rernoval, 236. &c. (notes) 234, 237, 238. Chandler Ž. bluntness of, 246. Matheny Jas. H. testimony of, 243. Chase Salmon P. ambition of, 242. McClure Alex. K. refutes Nicolav, Clerks, governmental use of, 238. 239-242; notes, 241, 243. Cleveland Convention (note) 246. Nicolay J. G. mistakes of, 239, 243. Cleveland G. mistake of (note) 97. Paterson W. power removal, 237. Dana Charles A. testimony of, 241. Pettis S. Newton, testimony of, 239 Dilke on Victorian civil service, 181 Polk James K. journal of, 93. Egypt, ancient, civil service of, 238 Prentiss S. S. on spoils system, 176 Ellsworth 0. venerates President Rice A. T. obligation world to, 242.
235; figurative speech of, 236. Sickles D. E. testimony of, 241, 243 Frémont-Cochrane, nobility of, 246. Smith J. deceived by Lincoln, 244. Grayson W. unfounded fear of, 237. Socrates, political views of, 116. Grote G. historical notes, 116, 238. Stone Wm. M. testimony of, 241. Hamlin H. forbearance of, 239–40. Swett L. sent for hy Lincoln, 240; Hay John, testimony of, 247. great sagacity of (note) 243. Herndon W. H. on Lincoln, 244–7. Truman B. C. testimony of, 241.
For regular Index see page 249.
The improvements in the revised editions of this work consist in two Appendixes and Indexes, the addition of fresh matter to about fifty pages of the text, and the correction of errors. The Appendixes possess much historical value, for they contain quotations as pertinent and interesting as any in the body of the book.
The increase in the scope of the civil service law by Presidents Harrison and Cleveland, especially the latter, has left little to be desired by reformers, except (1) the inclusion within the rules of the diplomatic and consular services; (2) the extension of " metropolitan” postoffices to include neighboring fourth-class postoffices; (3) the adoption by State and municipal governments of the merit system; (4) the repeal of the 4-years' term law. When this is attained the struggle for civil service reform will have ended.
In the State of New York, during the past eight or ten years, civil service reform has been greatly hampered by the interference of so-called political - bosses.” But as bad as this is, their interference (1) with nominations to office, (2) with general legislation, is worse. The dictation of nominations to office and the interference with legislation by irresponsible, unofficial, and corrupt politicians is a step toward anarchy. With corrupt politicians and their followers the words Democrat and Republican are meaningless, for they are actuated, as Franklin warned us (1787), solely by “two passionsambition and avarice.” (See p. 88.) In New York reform in both nominations to office and legislation are now more needed than all other reforms. Nominations to office should depend on merit. Men of merit have filled legislative offices during the time mentioned, bult they were the exception to the rule. It is time to elect men to the Legislature- not “boss '-ruled mercenaries. If men cannot afford to serve at present salaries, increase the salaries—tenfold if necessary. The State is able to pay for integrity and talent. In the Excelsior State legislative offices should be posts of honor—not of reproach.
The usurpatory proclamation and also the bill referred to on page 245 were printed in the New York Tribune of July 11, 1864.
NEW YORK, January, 1897.
PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION. * * * The warning of Story and Washington concerning the dangers of party spirit, should be read and heeded by every American. Parties, when they strive solely for principle, are the life of a nation; but when they strive solely for pelf, patronage, and power, they are its death. Even corrupt party leaders may destroy a republic; sometimes even ambitious leaders may do so. Did a nation ever strive harder to preserve its integrity than did our own during the slaveholders' rebellion ? Who but ambitious party leaders caused that rebellion ?
Some truthful words concerning the crime of buying and selling votes have been added to page 52. This evil cannot be too soon remedied. Voters should be educated up to a higher standard. The American who acknowledges any man as his political “ boss," at the