ness to them; of a severe freedom from every prejudice and partiality, with a ready acquiescence in any tale that flatters national vanity and pride. Nor would the comparison of the speeches of the two histories be less pointed and instructive. In the one we should find the genuine and characteristic sentiments of the times, the countries, and the parties, to which they are ascribed. The principles of morality and policy which were avowed or acted upon, and the sort of arguments which might be successfully used, are given on an authority known to be deserving of the fullest belief. In the other there is nothing genuine, and therefore nothing valuable; the sentiments and arguments are merely those of an unpractical man of a later age; they convey no information; they cannot be treated as developing the character of their pretended authors; they may be ‘inconceivably eloquent' in the eyes of a rhetorician, but to him who estimates history rightly, it was a waste of time to write them, and, except only so far as they are specimens of language, it is a waste of time to read them."

But it is solely to the want of merit in Livy as a historian that the above quoted remarks of Dr. Arnold refer. As an exemplar of purity of diction; as a consummate master of all the rhythmical cadences and harmonious combinations of language; and as a painter of the beautiful forms which the richness of his own imagination called up, the same great Roman historian of modern times pronounces him to be unrivalled in the whole course of literature. Indeed, his style may be pronounced almost faultless. "The narrative flows on in a calm but strong current, clear and sparkling, but deep and unbroken; the diction displays richness without heaviness, and simplicity without tameness. Nor is his art as a painter less wonderful. There is a distinctness of outline, and a warmth of coloring in all his delineations, whether of living men in action or of things inanimate, which never fail to call up the whole scene before our eyes."

BATTLE BETWEEN THE HORATII AND THE CURIATII.

It happened that there were in each of the two armies three brothers born at one birth, unequal neither in age nor strength.

Professor Ramsay, of the University of Glasgow. The most complete and elaborate edition of Livy is that of Drakenborch, based on Gronovius' published at Leyden, in seven volumes 4to., 1738-46. It comprehends everything valuable contributed by previous scholars, and forms a most ample storehouse of learning. The commentary of Ruperti is also an admirable adjunct. Of the translations, Baker long held the chief place, poorly executed as it is; but lately a much better one has been published in Bohn's series of translated classics, done by Cyrus Edmonds.

That they were called Horatii and Curiatii is certain enough; nor is there any circumstance of antiquity more celebrated; yet in a matter so well ascertained, a doubt remains concerning their names, to which nation the Horatii and to which the Curiatii belonged. Authors claim them for both sides; yet I find more who call the Horatii Romans. My inclination leads me to follow them. The kings confer with the three brothers, that they should fight with their swords each in defence of their respective country; assuring them that dominion would be on that side on which victory should be. No objection is made; time and place are agreed on. Before they engaged, a compact is entered into between the Romans and Albans on these conditions, that the state whose champions should come off victorious in that combat, should rule the other state without further dispute.

The treaty being concluded, the twin-brothers, as had been agreed, take arms. Whilst their respective friends exhortingly reminded each party that their country's gods, their country and parents, all their countrymen both at home and in the army, had their eyes then fixed on their arms, on their hands, naturally brave, and animated by the exhortations of their friends, they advance into the midst between the two lines. The two armies sat down before their respective camps, free rather from present danger than from anxiety; for the sovereign power was at stake, depending on the valor and fortune of so few. Accordingly, therefore, eager and anxious, they have their attention intensely riveted on a spectacle far from pleasing. The signal is given: and the three youths on each side, as if in battle array, rush to the charge with determined fury, bearing in their breasts the spirits of mighty armies: nor do the one or the other regard their personal danger; the public dominion or slavery is present to their mind, and the fortune of their country, which was ever after destined to be such as they should now establish it. As soon as their arms clashed on the first encounter, and their burnished swords glittered, great horror strikes the spectators; and, hope inclining to neither side, their voice and breath were suspended. Then having engaged hand to hand, when not only the movements of their bodies, and the rapid brandishings of their arms and weapons, but wounds also and blood were seen, two of the Romans fell lifeless, one upon the other, the three Albans being wounded. And when the Alban army raised a shout of joy at their fall, hope entirely, anxiety, however, not yet, deserted the Roman legions, alarmed for the lot of the one, whom the three

Curiatii surrounded. He happened to be unhurt, so that, though alone he was by no means a match for them all together, yet he was confident against each singly. In order therefore to separate their attack, he takes to flight, presuming that they would pursue him with such swiftness as the wounded state of his body would suffer each. He had now fled a considerable distance from the place where they had fought, when, looking behind, he perceives them pursuing him at great intervals from each other; and that one of them was not far from him. On him he turned round with great fury. And whilst the Alban army shouts out to the Curiatii to succor their brother, Horatius, victorious in having slain his antagonist, was now proceeding to a second attack. Then the Romans encourage their champion with a shout such as is usually given by persons cheering in consequence of unexpected success: he also hastens to put an end to the combat. Wherefore before the other, who was not far off, could come up, he despatches the second Curiatius also. And now, the combat being brought to an equality of numbers, one on each side remained, but they were equal neither in hope nor in strength. The one, his body untouched by a weapon, and a double victory made courageous for a third contest: the other, dragging along his body exhausted from the wound, exhausted from running, and dispirited by the slaughter of his brethren before his eyes, presents himself to his victorious antagonist. Nor was that a fight. The Roman, exulting, says, "Two I have offered to the shades of my brothers: the third I will offer to the cause of this war, that the Roman may rule over the Alban." He thrusts his sword down into his throat, whilst faintly sustaining the weight of his armor: he strips him as he lies prostrate. The Romans receive Horatius with triumph and congratulation; with so much the greater joy, as success had followed so close on fear. They then turn to the burial of their friends with dispositions by no means alike; for the one side was elated with the acquisition of empire, the other subjected to foreign jurisdiction; their sepulchres are still extant in the place where each fell; the two Roman ones in one place nearer to Alba, the three Alban ones towards Rome; but distant in situation from each other, and just as they fought.

CONSTERNATION IN ROME.1

At Rome the alarm and consternation were not less than they had been two years before, when the Carthaginian camp was pitched over against the Roman walls and gates; nor could people make up their minds whether they should commend or censure, this so bold march of the consul. It was evident that the light in which it would be viewed would depend upon its success; than which nothing can be more unfair. They said, "that the camp was left near to the enemy, Hannibal, without a general, and with an army from which all the flower and vigor had been withdrawn; and that the consul had pretended an expedition into Lucania, when he was in reality going to Picenum and Gaul, leaving his camp secured only by the ignorance of the enemy, who were not aware that the general and part of his army were away. What would be the consequence if that should be discovered, and Hannibal should think proper either to pursue Nero with his whole army, who had gone off with only six thousand armed men, or to assault the camp, which was left as a prey for him, without strength, without command, without auspices?" The disasters already experienced in the war, the deaths of two consuls the preceding year, augmented their fears. Besides, all these events had occurred "when there was only one general and one army of the enemy in Italy; whereas now they had two Punic wars, two immense armies, and in a manner two Hannibals in Italy, inasmuch as Hasdrubal was descended from the same father, Hamilear, was a general equally enterprising, having been trained in a Roman war during so many years in Spain, and rendered famous by a double victory, having annihilated two armies with two most renowned generals. For he could glory even more than Hannibal himself, on account of the celerity

In the second Punic war, after Hannibal had gained his many signal victories in Italy, and was encamped in the southern part, and while the consul Caius Claudius Nero was near him with an army to keep him in check, Hasdrubal was marching down from Northern Italy to join his forces to those of his brother. When Nero heard this he determined to leave his present position with a part of his force, and march to meet Hasdrubal before the junction was effected. He did so, and defeated the Carthaginian. slaughter was very great, and among the slain was Hasdrubal himself, whose head Nero carried back, and had it thrown before the tents of Hannibal. It was when the Romans heard of Nero's first movements that the alarm and terror as here depicted by Livy pervaded the city.

The

with which he had effected his passage out of Spain, and his success in stirring up the Gallic nations to arms, inasmuch as he had collected an army in those very regions in which Hannibal lost the major part of his soldiers by famine and cold, the most miserable modes of death." Under the dictation of fear, which always puts the worst construction upon things, they magnified all the advantages which the enemy possessed, and undervalued their own.

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When Nero thought that his plan might be disclosed without danger, he briefly addressed his soldiers, observing, that "there never was a measure adopted by any general which was in appearance more daring than this, but in reality more safe. That he was leading them on to certain victory." And, by Hercules, they marched amid vows, prayers, and commendations, all the roads being lined with ranks of men and women, who had flocked there from all parts of the country. They called them the safeguards of the state, the protectors of the city and empire of Rome. They said that the safety and liberty of themselves and their children were treasured up in their arms and right hands. They prayed to all the gods and goddesses to grant them a prosperous march, a successful battle, and a speedy victory over their enemies; and that they might be bound to pay the vows which they had undertaken in their behalf; so that as now they attended them off with anxiety, so after a few days' interval they might joyfully go out to meet them exulting in victory. Then they severally and earnestly invited them to accept, offered them, and wearied them with entreaties, to take from them in preference to another, whatever might be requisite for themselves or their cattle. They generously gave them everything in abundance, while the soldiers vied with each other in moderation, taking care not to accept anything beyond what was necessary for use. They did not make any delay nor quit their ranks when taking food; they continued the march day and night, scarcely giving as much to rest as was necessary to the requirements of the body.

JOY IN ROME CONSEQUENT UPON THE VICTORY OF CLAUDIUS NERO.

After this, news came that the ambassadors themselves were on the point of arriving. Then, indeed, people of all ages ran to meet them, each man being eager to be the first to receive