derive from the rain of one of the few communities which has survived the general wreck of nations? that wreck which the whole exerted force of our empire hath not been able to avert. Besides, that ruin cannot be complete; it can only be a temporary evil, leading however to an everlasting alienation of interests; for, after all our efforts, the commerce of America will be revived at the termination of hostilities. It is wonderful, that our belligerent merchants do not perceive, amidst all their calculations, that if the Americans be prevented from pursuing the trade of sailors, they will, from necessity, take up the business of soldiers; and that their first adventure will be made upon the provinces of Canada. With these in the possession of the Americans, and with the Baltic ports shut against us, where shall we procure hemp for the use of our navy, and how shall we supply the wants of our West Indian islands? But these are not the worst consequences which will follow. The connection of America with France must be strengthened, inasmuch as it is natural for the weak, when attacked, to seek protection from the power of the strong; and how far we shall be warranted in throwing America into the arms of France, when the obvious interest of America is to cultivate our friendship, especially when France obtains Cuba, and retakes Louisiana, which will be done with all convenient speed, I leave those mercantile warriors to determine, who judge of the merits of a war according to its good or bad fortune.

Besides these considerations, there are many other cogent reasonings which might be adduced against a war with America, unless it be commenced upon the ground I have already mentioned. While the British power and even the British name are threatened with extinction, it would surely be a wise policy to collect together by a common bond of friendship, all those communities which still enjoy the benefits of freedom and of equal laws, and whose existence is ultimately dependant upon our prosperity throughout the present struggle: much more forcibly does this principle apply to the Anglo-Americans, who, notwithstanding their bitterness of jealousy and resentment, have not forgotten they are the descendants of Britons, and that they share in the advantages of that liberal and humane policy which characterizes in every age, clime, or country, the beings who derive their high rank in society from British ancestors. I fear that we have never taken any pains to acquire the esteem of America, and that, retaining the recollection of her former dependance upon Great Britain, we still can scarcely bring ourselves to believe that she is an independent state. Some allowance may be made for this national sentiment. I am also aware, that under the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, the most profligate frauds, perjuries, and underhand devices against this country, have been not only practised but encouraged. These constitute a mass of injuries against the recurrence of which we have a right to demand security, and which the late administration ought to have resented with spirit and promptitude. I am not pleading the cause of America, but the cause of the British empire, when I assert, that a war with that country undertaken at the instigation of self-interested men, merely from views of commercial jealousy, and without an apparent necessity, would be the most afflictive circumstance that could befal this country. It would tarnish our fair reputation for justice, and confirm the aspersion of Buonaparte against us, that we never hesitate to break through the rules of equity in order to maintain our commercial despotism.

I have been led into these reflections from the affected zeal which I have witnessed among some persons for the support of our maritime rights, and from the extreme selfishness which they have betrayed, when requested to state the motives for their opinions. The moment they get upon an explanation of these motives, not a syllable is heard of our maritime rights, nor of the political necessity of repressing any attempt to limit them, but the whole expediency of war is resolved into dissertations upon the signal advantages, which our trade and navigation will derive from the ruin of the commercial navigation of the United States. It is a moot point whether a few interested individuals, actuated by such motives, would not be the first to surrender the maritime rights of their country to Buonaparte, provided that personage would allow them to retain their hoards and ill-gotten spoils. But enough of this mean and sordid subject: let us enquire into the grounds which would justify us in directing our arms against the United States.

1. War will be necessary, if the American government refuse to deliver up, on demand, the subjects of this country, or the citizens of the United States, who have enlisted and have afterwards deserted from our service.

2. War will be necessary, if America deny us the right of search in the above cases, or for the seizure of contraband of war.

3. War will be moral, if the American government sanction the flagrant perjuries and frauds, and subornations of perjury, practised by its citizens against the rights of Great Britain.

4. Though novel, not less just, war will be necessary and honourable, if America resist the policy which we should forthwith adopt, of seizing every American ship entering any of the ports of France, her colonies, or allies, and laden with the produce of any other country except America.

5. We ought instantly to declare all the ports of France and her dependencies to be in a state of blockade; which done, I am of opinion, that any American vessel, or ship of any other country, presuming to enter a French, Dutch, Spanish, or Italian harbour, in defiance of this decree, whether the cargo be the produce of their respective countries or not, ought to be considered as lawful prizes to the captors. I do not even except vessels charged with corn or other articles of the first necessity.

These are national principles, and the refusal of the Americans to comply with them, would be motives for our going to war, subject, however, to the expediency of the measure. As Buonaparte is proceeding, by violent means, to exclude us from all intercourse with the continent, it becomes our duty to employ similar measures to cut him off from all communication by sea, with the rest of the world. This is the only remaining service on which we can employ our navy, and by the vigorous execution of it, we shall be able to carry on against the enemy an offensive and destructive war. Nothing should be too great or too trivial for our ships to undertake. Every fishing boat that sails out of a French port should be seized with as much avidity, as a ship of 500 tons; even an oyster shell should be captured, if it were capable of bearing a Frenchman upon the water, or of conveying to his country a blade of corn. The Americans will remonstrate against a system which they will consider as a violation of the rights of neutrals, and a monstrous exercise of power. We should listen to these remonstrances with respectful attention, but we must continue to take their ships.

In a war like the present, the magnitude of our dangers will naturally produce a correspondent degree of vigour on our part; and, as we are now bound to consider the present struggle as the last grand effort of freedom, against tyranny, we ought not to beat down every impediment, which opposes itself to the exert of the public strength. The power of vindicating our maritime dominion is in our hands; this is the time to compel its recognition, while none exist capable of disputing it. It may be, at this time, sustained with ease; but if we flinch, or abandon any portion of it, its cession will be irrevocable.

HISTORICAL DIGEST.

Few events have occurred upon the continent since the signature of the treaty of Tilsit; and these bear so striking a resemblance to the events which followed the treaty of Presburgh, that they scarcely excite any interest. However, it is my duty to record, and to accompany them with such comments as their nature calls for.

The mania for king-making always takes possession of Buonaparte's mind after his arms have proved successful; and some new titulary is sure to spring up between the signature of an armistice and the conclusion of a definitive treaty. Accordingly, we have seen the elector of Saxony kinged instantly after the French routed the Prussian army, and Jerome Buonaparte metamorphosed into a sovereign over a new kingdom, by the title of Jerome Napoleon I. by the grace of God, king of Westphalia. Formerly, republics were in fashion; and as fast as Buonaparte succeeded in beating down an ancient kingdom, he established the republican form of government upon its ruins, and, in the place of ancient usages and institutions, he introduced the enlightened rites of liberty, equality, humanity, and the guillotine. Int now, his taste has undergone a surprising alteration, and nothing but kingdoms and dukedoms are in Vogue. The people who have been thus compelled to pass under the domination of strangers to their laws, manners, languages, and countries, have no other choice left but in unconditional submission to the dictator's will. Nevertheless, the vanity of the French ruler seems to have outstripped his prudence, in the appointment of his brothers to fill these newly erected thrones; and if I have not misconstrued the mystical language in some of the late French papers, I am justified in predicting that their elevation will lead to the speedy downfall of these new dynasties.

It is certain that it was originally the intention of Buonaparte to have revived the kingdom of Poland; and I have been informed by a gentleman, lately arrived from Paris, that Talleyrand had been promised the throne of Poland, which he would have deserved on account of his eminent services; for the Corsican owes more to the dexterity of that able minister than to the arms of his followers. The treaty of Tilsit, however, caused this project to evaporate for the present ;-and Poland was left as a nation without a name. This is the mode in which the Corsican rewards the deluded followers of his fortune. Lubiaski, one of the chiefs of the Gallo-Polish insurgents, has issued an address to the Poles since the treaty of Tilsit, in which the disappointment of that deluded people is pourtrayed in very strong colours. Amidst many hyperbolical compliments showered upon the immortal Napoleon, the genius of victory and a sort of demi-god, the Pole cast upon him several indirect and stinging reproaches. The Poles are praised for the sacrifices they have made in order to regain the Polish name, when, in fact, it turns out that these sacrifices were made to accommodate the views of Buonaparte only; since, with cold unfeeling insult, he has given them away, after having made use of their blood and resources, by a dash of his pen, to the king of Saxony, and has thus constrained them to change their name and master a second time. An important lesson this to the people of Ireland, and to the inhabitants of every community, who look for independence from the beneficence of France! While the wretched and deceived Poles are sunk in despair, at the discovery of their further separation and division of interests; while, instead of a consolidation of their national power, they find themselves delivered up, in part, to their former sovereign, and others given to the emperor of Russia, in both instances the victims of Buonaparte's political interests, without the least respect being paid to their own wishes or representations; Lubianski, their leader, advises them not to suffer despair to take possessian of their bosoms, but to employ the time of peace patiently and quietly, in tendering themselves perfect in whatever respects the service of their country.

It seems also that the city of Dantzick has received the boon of independence conferred upon it by Buonaparte, with the utmost indifference and coolness; a circumstance which proclaims, feclingly, the happiness they enjoyed under the dominion of Frussia, and their apprehensions relative to the future. It also arraigns the policy of those revolutionary changes which always follow the victories of the French, and for which no legitimate reason can be assigned, except that it has a tendency to unsettle the minds of men, to make them indifferent to their lot, since they are perpetually doomed to be the sport and victims of caprice. Should any great change in human affairs lead the French armies once more into Poland, they must not expect to deriye any benefit from the co-operation of the Polish people.

It has been remarked above, that the policy of Buonaparte in raising his brethren to the rank of kings, is extremely questionable, and will, most probably, lead to great and unexpected changes. This opinion is founded not only upon a general view of history, but also of the passions of mankind. Is it probable, that the French generals, who have, during the whole course of the revolution, been fighting the enemies of their country, and who have signalized themselves full as much as Buonaparte, in the service of their country, will not feel some degree of jealousy at seeing themselves, the equals of their emperor, passed over, and the brethren of this personage, who have not illustrated their names, either in the civil or military exploits of the revolutions, preferred to the most exalted situations in the world, through their exertions and a profusion of French blood? The examples of the captains of Alexander, the Macedonian, is before them, and can any one believe, that they will not profit by it? The Paris papers, notwithstanding the restriction of the press, shew that mischief is brewing in that capital. The following extract enables us to see a distant light before us; and when we reflect that this light is merely a glimpse into a very confined circle, we shall find much scope for meditation and for expectancy.

"When two years ago, the Minister Talleyrand was created Prince of Benevento, and Marshal Bernadotte, Prince of Ponte Corvo, it was believed that these creations would be immediately followed by a number of titles of a like nature. But they did not follow, and the raising of Marshal Lefebvre to the dignity of Duke of Dantzic, is the first that has since taken place. This shews, that it is neither courage, talents, nor services alone, which, in the eyes of Napoleon, give a title to these new honours,

but an active share in the regeneration of the French government. The conquest of Dantzic was but the occasion seized to confer the honours upon Lefebvre, which were merited before At the same time this promotion contradicts the assertion of violent partisans, that an active share in the earlier events of the revolution, is a ba to advancement under the Emperor. The present Duke of Dantzic, has been, at al: times, a zealous and impassioned, but at the same time, noble-minded Republican; he fought under Dumourier at Jemappe; and in November 1792, at the head of 25,000 men, stormed at Mons the redoubts of the Austrians, singing republican songs. His sentiments are unchanged."

"We are all curious to see whether the Emperor, on his arrival in the metropolis, will not publish a commentary to the words twice alluded to in the official Bulletins, concerning those who prefer the enjoyments of the great city, to the honourable toils of war. This, it is supposed, had a reference to certain distinguished persons here." [To be concluded in our next.]

The intercourse between two countries was first carried on by barter, or the giving one article for another. When the precious metals were introduced as mediums of circulation, then they were employed in facilitating the interchange, until the discovery of paper money, produced a very great improvement in the substitution of drafts or bills of exchange. A bill of exchange may be defined, "a written order by a merchant in one country, upon a merchant in another, to pay a certain sum specified in the body thereof, at a certain time also specified;" and if the merchant, upon whom it is drawn, accept the same, then he becomes bound to pay it when due: When a merchant sends goods to another country, he draws a bill of exchange for the amount thereof, and that bill he sells to any of his neighbours, who may have to pay for goods ⚫ gotten from that country; or else, he receives from the person, to whom he has sent the goods, a draft upon his neighbour for the amount. Thus, bills are drawn or accepted for all the goods sent out of, or received into a country; and, as far as the amount of the goods, exported from a country, are equal to those imported into it, the mutual debt may be discharged by them. In the use of bills, however, one great difficulty occurs, which is, that each commercial country has a different standard unit, and also different coins or tokens thereof; so that to ascertain in one country the amount of a debt in another, requires a knowledge, not only of the standard and coins of each country, but of their respective values one to another; and, as in some cases, those have never been exactly ascertained, a good deal of confusion has ensued. All this might be completely avoided, and the business made perfectly easy, were the commercial world to agree to one standard unit for the whole, then the proportion that the coins of each country bore to that standard,would be accurately known; but this, like the idea of an universal standard of weights and measures, may be talked of in theory, but will never be reduced to practice.

The common mode followed, is, that when goods are bought in one country for behopf of a merchant in another, they are first charged according to the currency where bought, but when a bill is drawn for them, the value is changed into the currency of the country they are going to, according to the proportion the two currencies bear to one another, at the time; and the proportion is called "the rate of exchange. For instance, a merchant in London, orders from Russia a quantity of goods, which the agent there purchases, and states the invoice as amounting to so many roubles, which is the unit of that country; a rouble is supposed equal to thirty pence British, or 30-240th of the British unit; but this proportion fluctuates, and is sometimes two or three pence below, and sometimes as much above that rate, according to the less or greater demand for drafts. When the agent draws for the amount, he either calculates the sum in pounds sterling, according to the rate of exchange, at the time, or else he just states in the bill so many roubles at so many pence per rouble, by which means the amount in British money is easily ascertained.

In consequence of bills of exchange being now constantly used, in thus liquidating the debts of one country with another, they are become a complete article of mer chandize, they are bought and sold, and vary in their price as much as any other goods; but, as they will only be bought in one country, to pay a debt due to another, it must be evident, that the demand for them, and, consequently, their value, will entirely depend upon the debt due by that country being more or less than the debt

It is certain that it was originally the intention of Buonaparte to have revived the kingdom of Poland; and I have been informed by a gentleman, lately arrived from Paris, that Talleyrand had been promised the throne of Poland, which he would have deserved on account of his eminent services; for the Corsican owes more to the dexterity of that able minister than to the arms of his followers. The treaty of Tilsit, however, caused this project to evaporate for the present ;-and Poland was left as a nation without a name. This is the mode in which the Corsican rewards the deluded followers of his fortune. Lubiaski, one of the chiefs of the Gallo-Polish insurgents, has issued an address to the Poles since the treaty of Tilsit, in which the disappointment of that deluded people is pourtrayed in very strong colours. Amidst many hyperbolical compliments showered upon the immortal Napoleon, the genius of victory and a sort of demi-god, the Pole cast upon him several indirect and stinging reproaches. The Poles are praised for the sacrifices they have made in order to regain the Polish name, when, in fact, it turns out that these sacrifices were made to accommodate the views of Buonaparte only; since, with cold unfeeling insult, he has given them away, after having made use of their blood and resources, by a dash of his pen, to the king of Saxony, and has thus constrained them to change their name and master a second time. An important lesson this to the people of Ireland, and to the inhabitants of every community, who look for independence from the beneficence of France! While the wretched and deceived Poles are sunk in despair, at the discovery of their further separation and division of interests; while, instead of a consolidation of their national power, they find themselves delivered up, in part, to their former sovereign, and others given to the emperor of Russia, in both instances the victims of Buonaparte's political interests, without the least respect being paid to their own wishes or representations; Lubianski, their leader, advises them not to suffer despair to take possessian of their bosoms, but to employ the time of peace patiently and quietly, in rendering themselves perfect in whatever respects the service of their country.

It seems also that the city of Dantzick has received the boon of independence conferred upon it by Buonaparte, with the utmost indifference and coolness; a circumstance which proclaims, feelingly, the happiness they enjoyed under the dominion of Prussia, and their apprehensions relative to the future. It also arraigns the policy of those revolutionary changes which always follow the victories of the French, and for which no legitimate reason can be assigned, except that it has a tendency to unsettle the minds of men, to make them indifferent to their lot, since they are perpetually doomed to be the sport and victims of caprice. Should any great change in human affairs lead the French armies once more into Poland, they must not expect to deriye any benefit from the co-operation of the Polish people.

It has been remarked above, that the policy of Buonaparte in raising his brethren to the rank of kings, is extremely questionable, and will, most probably, lead to great and unexpected changes. This opinion is founded not only upon a general view of history, but also of the passions of mankind. Is it probable, that the French generals, who have, during the whole course of the revolution, been fighting the enemies of their country, and who have signalized themselves full as much as Buonaparte, in the service of their country, will not feel some degree of jealousy at seeing themselves, the equals of their emperor, passed over, and the brethren of this personage, who have not illustrated their names, either in the civil or military exploits of the revolutions, preferred to the most exalted situations in the world, through their exertions and a profusion of French blood? The examples of the captains of Alexander, the Macedonian, is before them, and can any one believe, that they will not profit by it? The Paris papers, notwithstanding the restriction of the press, shew that mischief is brewing in that capital. The following extract enables us to see a distant light before us; and when we reflect that this light is merely a glimpse into a very confined circle, we shall find much scope for meditation and for expectancy.

"When two years ago, the Minister Talleyrand was created Prince of Benevento, and Marshal Bernadotte, Prince of Ponte Corvo, it was believed that these creations would be immediately followed by a number of titles of a like nature. But they did not follow, and the raising of Marshal Lefebvre to the dignity of Duke of Dantzic, is the first that has since taken place. This shews, that it is neither courage, talents, nor services alone, which, in the eyes of Napoleon, give a title to these new honours,