to violate his conscience and his honour? Was it ever the intent of parliament to do so? Had he refused to write the letter, what punishment could parliament have inflicted? did he remonstrate, did he object at the time when he found himself so compelled? In this happy land, no man, whatever be his official situation, can be forced to subscribe, as his own sentiments, that which is repugnant from his conscience and his honour; the utmost stretch of authority, in such a case, can only compel resignation of office, and admitting, what is altogether improbable, that authority was likely to be so exercised on Mr. Jacob Bosanquet, it does but establish this self-admitted fact, that Mr. Jacob Bosanquet preferred violating his conscience and his honour to resigning his place.

We will not comment furthur on the extraordinary assertion of the writer, that the directors did, in many cases, sign orders which themselves disapproved, but we deny, that any law compelled them to so disagraceful an act; the remedy was always in their own power, and we should have been slow to believe the fact, had not Mr. Jacob Bosanquet confirmed the accusation, and who can dispute his authority?

The writer enumerates, under four distinct heads, the causes of the increase of the public debt, since the year 1793; namely, 1st, to the increase of the army-2dly, the expenses of war-3dly, services specially required by his majesty's ministersand, lastly, to an increase in the civil charges of the India company, unauthorized by the court of directors. The two first, which mean the same thing-the increase of an army being one of the essential expenses of war-were the unavoidable result of our public situation; and if they induced debt, they obtained security, and were productive of revenue, according to the writer's statement, more than adequate to the additional burthen; whatever services the company may have performed at the instance of his majesty's government, which did not involve their own concerns, no doubt the company either have been, or will be, reimbursed; and as to the civil charges, unauthorized by the court of directors, which latter sentence implies disapprobation of those charges, the writer seems to have forgot, that in proposing heads of retrenchment he, himself, states, that" in the civil establishment, no reduction of any consequence can be made." If the existing establishment be necessary, and no person who knows anything of India denies the fact, it ought to be authorized by the court of directors; and, if not authorized, it only proves, that the court of directors are not competent to judge of what is necessary, or that they do not choose to sanction what they know to be requisite-their own advocate declares the necessity, but denies that the court do their duty, for what duty can be more incumbent on persons vested with public trust, than to give their authority to whatever tends to promote the public good?

Were we to animadvert on all the objectionable passages in the pamphlet before us, it would lead us into expositions unsuited to the limits of a periodical paper. If the pamphlet alluded to produce any effect, it must be such as is likely to prove prejudicial to the directors. Should the political existence of the court of directors suffer a premature death, should parliament be obliged to interpose before the natural demise of their nearly-expired charter, it will be their own fault, of their own seeking; but the welfare of the country, and the future interests of the community, must be protected in preference to the immediate profits of the India company. The exercise of power certainly is not desirable, and we earnestly hope, and confidently trust, that the future conduct of the directors will be so regulated as not to require the interference of legislative authority.

STATE PAPERS.

DECLARATION RELATIVE TO THE EXPEDITION IN THE BALTIC.

His majesty owes to himself, and to Europe, a frank exposition of the motives which have dictated his late measures in the Baltic. His majesty has delayed this exposition only in the hope of that more amicable arrangement with the court of Denmark, which it was his majesty's first wish and endeavour to obtain-for which he was ready to make great efforts and great sacrifices; and of which he never lost sight, even in the moment of the most decisive hostility. Deeply as the disappointment of this hope has been felt by his majesty, he has the consolation of retrecting,

that no exertion was left untried on his part, to produce a different result. And while he laments the cruel necessity which has obliged him to have recourse to acts of hostility against a nation with which it was his majesty's most earnest desire to have established the relations of common interest and alliance, his majesty feels confident that, in the eyes of Europe and of the world, the justification of his conduct will be found in the commanding and indispensable duty, paramount to all others amongst the obligations of a sovereign, of providing, while there was yet time, for the immediate security of his people. His majesty had received the most positive information of the determination of the present ruler of France to occupy, with a military force, the territory of Holstein, for the purpose of excluding Great Britain from all her accustomed channels of communication with the continent; of inducing, or compelling, the court of Denmark to close the passage of the Sound against the British commerce and navigation; and of availing himself of the aid of the Danish marine, for the invasion of Great Britain and of Ireland. Confident as his majesty was of the authenticity of the sources from which this intelligence was derived, and confirmed in the credit which he gave to it, as well by the notorious and repeated declarations of the enemy, and by his recent occupation of the towns and territories of other neutral states, as by the preparations actually made for collecting a hostile force upon the frontiers of his Danish majesty's continental dominions, his majesty would yet willingly have foreborne to act upon this intelligence, until the complete and practical disclosure of the plan had made manifest to all the world the absolute necessity of resisting it. His majesty did forbear, as long as there could be a doubt of the urgency of the danger, or a hope of an effectual counteraction to it, in the means or in the dispositions of Denmark. But his majesty could not but recollect that when, at the close of the former war, the court of Denmark engaged in a hostile confederacy against Great Britain, the apology offered by that court, for so unjustifiable an abandonment of a neutrality which his majesty had never ceased to respect, was founded on its avowed inability to resist the operation of external influence, and the threats of a formidable neighbouring power. His majesty could not but compare the degree of influence, which at that time determined the decision of the court of Denmark, in violation of positive engagements, solemnly contracted but six months before, with the increased operation which France had now the means of giving to the same principle of intimidation, with kingdoms prostrate at her feet, and with the population of nations under her barners.

Nor was the danger less imminent than certain. Already the army destined for the invasion of Holstein was assembling on the violated territory of neutral Hamburgh and Holstein once occupied, the island of Zealand was at the mercy of France, and the navy of Denmark at her disposal. It is true, a British force might have found its way into the Baltic, and checked for a time the movements of the Danish marine. But the season was approaching when that precaution would no longer have availed, and when his majesty's fleet must have retired from that sea, and permitted France, in undisturbed security, to accumulate the means of offence against his majesty's dominions. Yet, even under these circumstances, in calling upon Denmark for the satisfaction and security which his majesty was compelled to require, and in demanding the only pledge by which that security could be rendered effectual-the temporary possession of that fleet, which was the chief inducement to France for forcing Denmark into hostilities with Great Britain; his majesty accompanied this demand with the offer of every condition which could tend to reconcile it to the interests and to the feelings of the court of Denmark. It was for Denmark herself to state the terms and stipulations which she might require. If Denmark was apprehensive that the surrender of her fleet would be resented by France as an act of connivance, his majesty had prepared a force of such formidable magnitude, as must have made concession justifiable even in the estimation of France, by rendering resistance altogether unavailing. If Denmark was really prepared to resist the demands of France, and to maintain her independence, his majesty proffered his cooperation for her defence-naval, military, and pecuniary aid, the guarantee of her European territories, and the security and extension of her colonial possessions.

That the sword has been drawn in the execution of a service indispensible to the safety of his majesty's dominions, is matter of sincere and painful regret to his

majesty. That the state and circumstances of the world are such as to have required and justified the measures of self-preservation, to which his majesty has found himself under the necessity of resorting, is a truth which his majesty deeply deplores, but for which he is in no degree responsible. His majesty has long carried on a most unequal contest, of scrupulous forbearance against unrelenting violence and oppression. But that forbearance has its bounds. When the design was openly avowed, and already but too far advanced towards its accomplishment, of subjecting the powers of Europe to one universal usurpation, and of combining them by terror, or by force, in a confederacy against the maritime rights and political existence of this kingdom, it became necessary for his majesty to anticipate the success of a system, not more fatal to his interests than to those of the powers who were destined to be the instruments of its execution. It was time that the effects of that dread which France has inspired into the nations of the world, should be counteracted by an exertion of the power of Great Britain, called for by the exigency of the crisis, and proportioned to the magnitude of the danger. Notwithstanding the declaration of war on the part of the Danish government, it still remains for Denmark to determine, whether war shall continue between the two nations. His majesty still proffers an amicable arrangement. He is anxious to sheathe the sword, which he has been most reluctantly compelled to draw. He is ready to demonstrate to Denmark, and to the world, that, having acted solely upon the sense of what was due to the security of his own dominions, he is not desirous, from any other motive, or for any object of advantage or aggrandizement, to carry measures of hostility beyond the limits of the necessity which has produced them.

Westminster, September 25, 1807.

FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE RELATIVE TO THE EXPEDITION TO SOUTH AMERICA.

[FROM THE MADRID GAZETTE.]

Madrid, August 25.-In our seventy-second number, we inserted several documents which proved, to demonstration, the bad faith of the English on the one hand, and, on the other, the probity and refined honour of the Spaniards. Amongst various articles in our possession, we think it right to publish two addresses of the Indian Caciques, whose patriotism has been so pleasing to our beloved sovereign, who will ever regard them with that paternal kindness which is peculiar to his great and generous heart. We shall subjoin a paper, which we have extracted from the Publicista of that capital. (Buenos Ayres.) These, like the documents previously published, will tend to confound the perfidy of our enemies, who, in the end, will be convinced that in Europe, and in the New World, his majesty's subjects are always loyal and honourable-in short, that they are Spaniards.

Address delivered by ten Caciques from the Pampas of Buenos Ayres, to the very illustrious Cabildo of that City to whom they were introduced on the 20th of December, 1806,--the said Caciques speaking also in the name of six other Caciques, their immediate Allies, together with the answer of the said very illustrious Cabildo. "To the Children of the Sun; to those who are so abundantly known to us by their successful efforts in sustaining these realms; to you who have so gloriously expelled those Red Coats from your habitation, of which they had from casual misfortune obtained possession; to you, who are the fathers of our country, we come, in person, to testify our gratitude, notwithstanding our having already, by our several envoys, offered you all the aids and resources at our disposal. We wished to know you with our own eyes, and we enjoy the pleasure of having attained this desire. And now that we are convened in this great habitation, where we, at the same time, behold our sovereigns-in their presence, and not satisfied with merely having sent you embassies, we offer you as the result of a recent union between all the grand Caciques whom you here see, a force to the amount of 20,000 of our subjects, all warriors, and each bringing into the field five horses. We solicit that they should lead the van in attacking those Red Coats, who, it should seem, still threaten your repose. We ask no recompence for this, and much more which we will do to serve You have a just claim to all, inasmuch as you have delivered us from the danger of their coming to attack us after vanquishing you. We will make the most

you.

vigilant endeavours to repel them from every point of our coasts, where we can muster a still greater number of men than we have now offered you. Our gratitude for the favourable reception you give to our productions, and the free permission we have to procure in return whatever necessaries we are in want of, furnish sufficient motives for our rewarding you with this trifling service. Command us without hesitation; take entire possession of the sincerity of our hearts; and this will be the greatest proof of regard, the highest consolation, we can enjoy. Thus, we hope, you will act; and your name will be kept in perpetual remembrance amongst the most remote of our subjects, who, with one voice, pray for your happiness, which we desire to be eternal as the union we swear to you."

At the conclusion of this discourse, the members of the Cabildo embraced all the Caciques.

THE PUBLICISTA OF BUENOS AYRES TO SEIGNIOR GENERAL BERESFORD,

"It is not good or bad success which can fix the character of a military enterprize. A plan wisely combined is the true criterion, in spite of all the caprices of fortune and hence, when the fate of arms has proved unfortunate to a general, he should calmly take his stand on the measures he adopted, that he may rise superior to adversity by those means which heroism and punctilious honour dictate. The means which your excellency has chosen, do not correspond with those grand ideas which should be impressed on the heart of a general. Artifices and a pusillanimous intrigue, whose aim was to detract from the intrepidity and military conduct of the Spaniards, may make a momentary impression on minds feeble and little accustomed to reflec tion; but enlightened impartiality, ever the votary of truth, will present to your excellency crowns of thorns, instead of those laurels which you might have culled, even in the midst of misfortune, had your conduct been regulated by the immutable principles of justice. This is the first virtue of a general, and this your excellency has totally abjured, by attempting to attach delinquency to those very persons who, in the execution of their duty, conducted themselves with so much honour; displaying it in the field of battle, by respecting the blood of the English, and giving the most decisive proofs of their love of humanity. And what return did your excellency make to these noble and generous sentiments? An attempt to surprise the general with an insidious capitulation. Permit us to inform your excellency that, upon this occasion, you forgot the first principles of the law of nations, which is so much cultivated in England. Our general was more alive to them, and, for that very reason, did not hesitate to sign a paper, which, in effect, contained nothing, but which relieved him from the importunate and reiterated intreaties and supplications of your excellency. Let us examine the matter. What were the quality and character of your excellency, after your surrender at discretion ?—I allude to that critical moment, at which your excellency has acknowledged, that nothing but this step, and Spanish generosity, could have insured your personal safety, and that of the rest of your army. What meaning does your excellency, and every military man, all the world over, annex to surrendering at discretion?Is it not that of submitting to the will and pleasure of the conqueror, without any capitulation, agreement, or condition whatsoever?-And in this state of absolute impotence in which your excellency was placed, whence did you derive your authority to capitulate with the conqueror? I appeal to the laws of war for an explanation of the false and silly pretensions of your excellency. Seignior Liniers treated your excellency with all the consideration due to your misfortunes, and could not but be surprised when he found your intreaties directed to the attainment of a paper, the nullity of which is as manifest as that of a general peace signed here, would in its result prove to be with respect to the tranquillizing of Europe. Where are our powers to sanction such an absurdity ?-and where were those of your excellency, when you, from necessity, submitted to the law of conquest? On the other hand, your excellency will observe, that even if an immense army, and a multitude of inhabitants, had not been witnesses to the truth of this statement, it is very easy to trace, and calculate even to a moment, every movement of the Spanish general, on the 12th, so as to demonstrate, that he neither had nor could have time to enter into any conference, or conclude any capitulation, supposing that

your excellency was prepared for such a proceeding. If these assertions were not so clear and conclusive, what would become of the good faith and generosity of the Spanish character? They must be for ever stigmatised, if the insidious subtleties of your excellency were of any avail before the luminous tribunal of truth. And at what period did your excellency seek to tarnish the noble and honourable character of the Spaniards? They surrendered, on the 27th of June, under the sacred guarantee of a solemn capitulation, which your excellency promised to sign the moment you should reach the fort; pledging your word of honour only to evince to the world the inefficiency of so respectable a principle; since committing an outrage on your own dignity, not only did you refuse to affix the signature which you promised, but, trampling upon the law of nations, and the faith of compacts, you imperiously dictated such laws as were suggested by your caprice, the instant you found yourself free from all danger, and in the midst of an unarmed city. After a proceeding equally violent and unjust, your excellency required that the treasures which were at the distance of sixteen leagues from this city, should be brought back, on the express condition that they should be deposited here, subject to the decision of the courts of London and Madrid. And what was your excellency's conduct in this second negociation? That of precipitately transmitting the said treasures to England; thus giving a fresh proof that sincerity, and the sacred rights of man, were excluded from the plans and combinations which your excellency had conceived. Not content with these shameful infractions, your excellency took away, by force of arms, the English prisoners whom we had at Las Conchas, without agreeing to an exchange, which was justly demanded; contrary to the terms of capitulation, private property was violated; no respect was paid to deposits; and while thus the public treasure, and that of private individuals were alike invaded, the poor soldier was denied even the payment of his arrears. Callous to the sufferings of those unfortunate men, who deserved a better fate, your excellency calmly saw them perish, without giving them even a scanty aid to procure them food. Proceedings so contrary to humanity, and to those principles which are religiously observed by all civilized nations, inexorable posterity will remember with horror and detestation. I turn my eyes to a prospect which yields the most lively and flattering satisfaction, when I consider the glorious contrast presented in the conduct of the Spaniards, who never can belie their upright and honourable character. They forget the days of bitterness which are gone by, in order to demonstrate to the universe, that with them violence and reprisa's are words without meaning, when an occasion arises for shewing themselves generous to a vanquished enemy, &c."

DUTCH DECREE.

EXTRACT FROM THE REGISTER OF THE RESOLUTIONS OF THE MINISTER OF FINANCE TO HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF HOLLAND.

Wednesday, September 2, 1807.—In the first place, a decre; of his majesty the king, given at Paris, August 28, 1807, the substance of which is as follows, was read:

Considering that, csusistent with the true interests of our kingdom, it is our intention to contribute, by all means in our power, to the much- wished-for issue of the great measures adopted by his majesty the emperor and king against the common enemy, for the attainment of a general peace, and the independence of the seas; considering that some subaltern agents have rendering themselves culpable, by weakness and neglect, in the execution of the measures prescribed by our decree on the 15th of December, 1806; considering the dexterity and perfidy made use of in several neutral ports, with respect to the papers of neutral vessels, and this so far as to endanger the health of Europe; and that, with this view, letters of quarantine have been forged; considering, finally, that it is necessary that all these disorders should find a period, at a moment so critical to the enemies of the continent, and especially for trading nations; and that the honour and the dearest interests of our subjects would be compromised, in case we should recede from the strict execution of the laws and decrees that we have adopted, we have decreed, and do decree, as follows: