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gression on our part against France? We contemplated this appointment both retrospectively and prospectively; and, dreading the future from our experience of the past, we said that our country's interests might be committed. What I wrote upon that occasion, I glory in repeating here; and I challenge the Morning Chronicle to adduce the shadow of an argument against the propriety of my reasonings. The most glaring and indecent act of impropriety, I observed, * the greatest aífiont to public opinion, next to the appointment of Alexander Davison to the treasurership of the ordnance,t is the act of sending Mr. Robert Adair to the court of Vienna, in the character of minister plenipoteutiary from this country. I call it an act of impropriety, because when we refer to Mr. Adair's previous diplomatic excursion to Petersburg, and reflect by whose authority, and with whose instructions he went thither, it is an high insult to the public spirit of the country, and an indignity to our sovereign. Is Britain descended so low in the comparison with foreign countries, that the person selected by our secretrary for foreign affairs, as the fittest to fill a most important, and, at this time, arduous situation, is a man whom Mr. Burke branded with the charge of having committed. an high-treasonable misdemeanor," and whom no one ever heard of, except under the names of Bobby Adair, the balf letter writer, and the representative of Mr. Fox at the court of St. Petersburg ? This last circumstance is a most, weighty aggravation of the indignity cast upon this nation by the selection of this, particular man; and that my readers may enter fully into this opinion, that they inayi see the nature and characters of the men who are managing our interests at home and abroad, that they may have a full-length portrait of this accomplished plenipo, this bantling of rank, weight, and talents, I request their attention to the following extract from Mr. Burke's Observations on the conduct of the Minority," "The laws and constitution of the kingdom, entrust the sole and exclusive right of treating with foreign potentates to the king. This is an undisputed part of the legal prerogative of the crown. However, notwithstanding this, Mr. Fox, without the knowledge or . participation of any one person in the House of Coinmons, with whom he was bound, by every party principle in matters of delicacy and importance, confidentially, to communicate, thought proper to send Mr. Adair as his representative, and with his cypher, to St. Petersburg, there to frustrate the objects for which the minister from the crown was authorized to treat. He succeeded in this, his design, and did actually, frustrate the king's minister in some of the objects of his negociation This proceed ing of Mr. Fox does not (as I conceive) amount to absolute high treason, Russia, though on bad terms, not having been then declaredly at war with this kingdom.-But such a proceeding is, in law, not very remote from that offence; and is, un doubtedly, a most unconstitutional act, and a high-treasonable misdemeanor. The legitimate and sure mode of communication between this nation and foreign powers, is rendered uncertain, precarious, and treacherous, by being divided into two channels, one with the government, one with the head of a party, in opposition to that government; by which means the foreign powers can never be assured of the real authority or validity of any public transaction whatsoever. On the other hand, the advantage taken of the discontent which at that time prevailed in parliament, and in the nation, to give to an individual an influence directly against the government of his country, in a foreign court, has made a highway into England for the intrigues of foreign courts in our affairs. This is a sore.evil; an evil from which, before this time, England was more free than any other nation. Nothing can preserve us from that evil, which connects cabinet factions abroad with popular factions here, but the keeping sacred the crown, as the only channel of communication with every other nation."

These were the strong grounds which led reflecting persons to feel a just alarm at Mr. Adair's appointment, and to remonstrate against it as an act of gross eífrontery on the part of Mr. Fox. In these exceptions, nothing personal was meant against

* See No. 27, of the 1st volume. + By the bye, I hear nothing more about the prosecution of this delinquent. I : have been hitherto silent from a regard to justice. But if, upon inquiry, I should find that the long fingers of the law cannat, or will not, be outstretched to overtake him, I shall feel myself bound to resume my criticisms upon his adventures.

Mr. Adair, any further than as his agency at St. Petersburgh was implicated; but they were confined to the want of delicacy on the part of the employer. Of Mr. Adair's abilities, not one word was said; Of his diplomatic dexterity, 110 ope doubted who recollected his exploits in Russia. The exceptions taken, therefore, were not against the personal character, but the political,--the party character of that gentle man. Divested of his former reputation, as a clandestiñe agent in an illicit and unpatriotic transaction, he might make a good foreign minister, but considered as a partizan, and the accredited agenit of 'the state under the official patronage of his former employer, he certainly was a proper object of jealousy and animadı ersion. It does not, kowever, follow, because there was ground for this jealousy then, that it should continue to exist now. The connection that was dreaded between himself and his patron, has ceased with the life of the fatier ; and furtherniore, a new ministry, actuated by national principles, less tinctured with the doctrines of modern universal philanthropy, and unquestionably hostile to the ambition and aggrandizement of France, are entrusted with the management of affairs, and will take care that no former bias of the mind shall induce any agent of our goyernment abroad, to act otherwise than as may be consonant with the honour, the diguity, and the interests of the empire. "Time, which assuages the force of party attachments, and corrects the jaundiced intellectual vision of public characters, may also contribute to effect a great change in the mode of thinking of the person to whom we allude; and should he be retained, før any length of time, in the dignified situation which he now fills; it is extremely probable; that his thoughts will be inseparably bent upon his country's welfare, and that the Whig Club, the good old cause, the choice spirits, the Foxites, will be obliterated from his mind, and become as much the objects of his contempt, as they now are of every patriotic and ingenuous subject. · Of Mr. Erskine, the Morning Chronicle has not" launched out in its usual tone of eulogy, but has coutented itself with republishing; in its columns, the favourable character given of that minister in the American papers. It is true, that gentleman's appointment was objected to, because he had married an American, and he was supposed to be not at all conversant with tlie daties of an ambassador. With respect of his marriage, I do not think that an objection of this sort would he tenable or delicate, in any case, where a personal interest in the welfare of the wife's country cannot be established. For which reason, the objection to Mr. Adair, upon the same principle, would have been irrelevant and ungentlemanly, if his well-known connection with Mr. Fox, and that minister's steadfast predeliction for French politics, had noť rendered almost every act of his public life an object of suspicion. Apart from this consideration, the objection would be unworthy of a liberal mind. It is not: French wives, but FRENCH MISTRėsses whose obtrusive influence England may justly tremble at; and it matters not whether these infamous and abandoned prostitutes be screened beneath û princely, or any other, coat of arms; still we Britons must pay the wages of their prostitution, and hire them to'make us the victims of their treachery. "If these be impeached as the dreams of a gloomy imagination, let the sceptic read the memoirs of the house of Stuart, by Dalrymple and Macpherson, or go to the opera, or to ,and - ; and , &c. .'

T. Upon these grounds, it does not appear that the mere circømstance of Mr. Erskine having married an American lady, ought to be urged as a' reason for excluding him from the exercise of diplomatic functions in the United States. But if to this fact be superadded the circumstance, as reported, that his family have invested a large fortune in the land and funds of America, a sufficient cause arises out of it, to question the propriety and decency of his appointment, because he must have a personal interest in the prosperity of that country, wbich, from innuinerable causes, and some of which have recently occurred, may run coupier to the jinmediate interests of his country. 'A man cannot serve God and Mammon; neither are we to expect in OUT times, the display of that patriotisin, which now sounds romantic, by which the national attachments of an individual preponderate over his regards to property. It is à trite adage, that personal feelings, duties, and patriotism, follow property; and therefore, some degree of caution ought to be observed in giving preferment to che, whose interests lay more, or as much, in a foreign as'in bis native country. These observations are 'here introduced merely in answer to the challenge contained in the

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Chronicle, and by no means with any personal reference to Mr. Erskine. I do not think that he ought to be excepted against, because he was the son of a lord chan, cellor of England ; on the contrary, the circumstance is a recommendation ; for the same reason that the appointment of Mr. Rose may be approved of, because he is the son of a gentleman of great political experience, of extensive cominercial knowledge, and possessing a thorough insight into the best interests of his couptry. The proba. bility therefore is, that the son, from his opportunities, must be duly instructed in those principles which he is sent to establish.,

These are the reflections which have suggested themselves to my mind, upon the perusal of the article upon which I have animadverted, and which, from its spirit and tendency, seems to have been written rather with a view to lampoon the party whose cause it professes to support, that to expose the errors of their adversaries. In the present age, the minister who should select for a foreign ambassador, a man en. dowed with no other qualification than the mere retentive memory of all the musty treaties which human ambition, working upon human imbecility, has rendered obsoJetė, would deservedly merit the reproaches of his country. And the ambassador who should take upon himself to guide his conduct by the treaties of Westphalia, Ryswick, or Paris, vould merit a dwelling in Bedlam. For the same reason, the appointment of any man to a diplomatic function, who should be more distinguished by his singularities than his prudence, would draw down ridicule both upon the minis, ter and his country. Common sense is the only basis of any negociation which may now take place between this nation and other states; and that common sense points out, with intuitive demonstration, that no peace, no security, no independence, no respect, no power, can be maintained by this country, without reserving an absoJute maritime superiority in its own hands, to balance the inordinate growth of French power by land, and to hold a due equipoise of controul oyer neutral states, proportionate to the influence exerted by France." To these objects, the whole of our diplo. macy should tend, and the men whose talents are best fitted to promote them, are the persons who ought to be preferred and employed.

GENERAL WHITELOCKE. This most unfortunate commander is in London; and, for several days after his ar, Tival, it was stated, in most of the newspapers, that he had been put under an arrest, upon seventeen charges, which sir Samuel Achmuty had preferred against him. The intelligence excited universal satisfaction, as it was expected that ihe public would be made acquainted with the real causes of that disaster, which has reflected so much disgrace upon the British arms. At the same time that every one rejoiced in the measure upon this consideration, it was not forgotten that the general would thereby be afforded an opportunity of exonerating himself from the heavy reproaches cast upon his military character, in consequence of his defeat at Buenos Ayres. Many persons also were curious to ascertain the collateral circumstances which, no doubt, the general is prepared to adduce in his exculpation; and which he did not think it neces, sary to include in his official dispatch, that "produced the calamity over which the genius of our country mourns. For it appears to be utterly impossible that so fine an army could have been beaten by such a description of force as that opposed to it, without the intervention of some accidents, against which human wisdom, and the most cousummate generalship could not provide. The public were, however, disappointed in these expectations, for general Whitelocke has not been arrested, nor has sir Samuel Achmuty brought any charge against him.' It must not, nevertheless, be supposed that no investigation is intended to take place, or, to use a legal phrase, that the genesal himself will blink the question. His honour and reputation are so deeply implicated, that I am pursuaded he will voluntarily demand an inquiry into his conduct; for a man must have a heart as callous as a piece of adamant, if he can contentedly walk the streets while subjected to such contumelious and reproachful language, as that conţionally vented against general Whitelocke. "

- Whether there be any defect in our articles of war; or whether such a case as that which befel our army at Buenos Ayres were never contemplated by our legislators, and, consequently, that no direct mode of proceeding can be instituted, I am not able to inform my readers. *** But of this I am certain, that as no difficulties stood in the way of the prosecution, and subsequent condemnation of a gallant admiral, for not a perfect reliance in the vigilance and activity of the present first lord of the admiralty, from the earnest he has already given of his administration, that I may safely predict, the Danish privateers, well-manned as they may be, will gain little else besides hard blows and salt water. The Danes will soon experience the difference between British and French amity; and when, perhaps, it is too late, the crown prince will repent of that p:inctilious obduracy, which has precipitated the fall of his country. If any additional circumstances were necessary to justify the expediency and policy of the con duct of our government toward Denmark, the refusal of the crown prince to listen to all proffers of reconciliation, and the marked inveteracy of his resentment, would be sufficient to convict him of an undue connection with France, and of a clandestine intention to co-operate against us when the opportunity should have presented itself,


The arrival of the hereditary sovereign of France in this country, has been already noticed in an article in our last number, which I recommend to the attention of the • reader. For the present, I must decline entering into any disquisition on the nature and object of this visit, having not yet had any opportunity of making inquiry respecting so unexpected an event. *

The only remaining articles of intelligence relates to the transactions of the Turkish government. These are detailed in the Vienna court gazette of Octcber 14, 15, and 21st, and which I have inserted in its own words, as they do not require any com ment.

" In consequence of the armistice concluded between Russia and the Ottoman Porte, the navigation of the Black Sea is become free; but the advanced state of the season will permit only a small number of vessels to profit by this liberty The Russian officers and soldiers, prisoners of war, have been released from the slave pti son, where they were confined at Constantinople. They will be conveyed to Odess in Ragusian vessels. The Turks have nominated Silistria as the place for carrying op the negociations for a definitive treaty of peace; but many obstacles seem to stand is the way of the approaching opening of the congress. The Janissaries, after som fresh motions towards a rebellion, on the first of September, received their pay, wbic had been in arrear for a considerable time. The 10th of September, General Gap danne, ambassador from France to Persia, passed over from Tophana, to Scutari, his journey to Tehram, by the way of Bagdad. This minister is accompanied by Mil zer Mahmoud, envoy from the Shah of Persia, the French officers destined for th East Indies, commercial agents, and missionaries.".

The following are the articles of the armistice concluded between the Turks an Servians: The first states, That there shall be a cessation of hostilities for an unlimite time. 2. That orders should immediately be expedited to both armies to cease lio -tilities. 3. The armistice to extend to the two armies in Bulgaria, as well as to troops in and on the frontiers of Servia. 4. The two armies to remain in their respel tive positions. 5. Either party to break the armistice at pleasure; but five or hours to elapse before resuming hostilities. 6. The soldiers of each army prohibitd from going into the camp of the other. The armistice is signed by George Petrowit commander-in-chief of the Servian army of insurrection, Issrailow, general of any sion of Russian troops, and Ibrahim Pacha, of Macedonia and Romelia.

According to the last advices, Wallachia is entirely evacuated by the Russian They are preparing also to abandon Moldavia ; the troops are already marching! wards the frontiers of that principality. The quarter-master-general de Suchtele kas proceeded from Bucharest to Jassy, to accelerate the evacuation. Prince sorowski has at present the command in chief of the Russian forces in that count On the other hand we are informed that the grand vizir has gone into winter quarte at Adrianople and in the environs.”

DIPLOMATIC CORPS. An article appeared in the Morning Chronicle last week, upon the subject of choice of our foreign ministers, which must not be allowed to pass unobserved. seems to have been the main object of the writer, to gloss over the diplomatic appol ments made under the late administration, and to cast an indirect reproach upon !

present ministers, for their nomination of Mr. Rose, jun: to execute a certain special. mission to the United States of America. The manner in which the writer of the article in question has discussed the point, shews that his zeal has outstripped his pru. dence, otherwise he would not have committed the credit of his party so egregiously as to publish the names of the persons who were selected to fill the situations of our residents abroad, and to challenge his contemporaries to dispute their talents and capa. city. It certainly is not judicious to provoke an investigation of this kind, unles, The writer is sure that his favourites are without blemish, or, in other words, that they are sufficiently accomplished to go through, without derogation, the ordeal of a public scrutiny. But this is the concern of the partizan, not ours; and if he will voluntarily expose his friends to the lash of criticism, h: must not complain of the chastisement that is inflicted upon him, since he himself has put the rod into our hands. I shall apply the touchstone of truth to the fallacies contained in this laboured article of the Morning Chronicle ; and, indeed, it is a duty which I owe to myself to expose Thein in a proper light, because, at the period of those diplomatic appointments, I was, I believe, the only writer who denounced them to the public.

Before we proceed, it will not be irrelevant to remind the reader of the letter that I addressed to the late Mr. Fox, upon the appointment of our foreign ministers, in the 13th number of the first volume of this work. I had adverted to the same sub. ject during the life of Mr. Pitt ;* and when “ All the Talents” took upon themselves the management of our affairs, after the death of the Great Patriot, it was natural to expect, that men of such high promise would be particular in detaching a portion of those talents to represent us at foreign courts. Anxious for the honour and character of our country, both of which I apprehended would suffer under such a partycoloured piece of Mosaic as the late ministry, I did not hesitate to remonstrate with Mr. Fox, for the want of judgment and respect towards the feelings, both of this nation and of foreign countries, which he had displayed, in the appointments of Mr. Adair, (whom I shall no longer call Bobby Adair) of lord Douglas, and of Mr. Erskine, not forgetting the precious choice of Jemmy Green to the consulate of Morocco. At the time when the several animadversions were written, the party might have justified the wisdom and patriotism of their leader, if they had been justifiable ; for they were fairly and openly challenged. But, whether these gentlemen were so conscious of their weak side, or whether they were so busied in striving each man to secure for himself a slice of the good things which had devolved to the party by the death of the great statesman who had controlled their insatiable propensities, it is most certain that the challenge was never accepted, that the appointments passed on their part sub silentio, and that we considered ourselves as the undisputed masters of the field. This, however, our opponents are not willing to allow, and, therefore, they revive the controversy, in the false hope that our former reasonings have sunk into oblivion, or that a change of ministry will necessarily occasion a change also in the estimation which the people had before entertained of public characters. But this is a mistaken hope. The same causes which provoked the public indignation at the appointment of such men, operate with equal force to strengthen their reflections now. The times, indeed, are altered, but the men remain, and they would have remained unnoticed, if it had not been for this ill-judged attempt to extol the reputation of a censured and degraded ministry, who, for endeavouring to split the vessel against a rock, are happily put under the hatches. As long, however, as I can wield a pen, that constellation of state empirics shall not attempt to creep once upon deck without an effort, on my part, to thrust them down again ; and this object cannot be better attained, than by a manly exposure of their quackeries, ignorarice, and follies. Let us begin in the north.

According to the Morning Chronicle, the marquis Douglas, who was chosen by Mr. Fox to be our minister at the court of St. Petersburg, was better fitted than any other man in the united empire for that situation, on account not only of his rank. but also of his talents and splendid acquirements. To the rank of his lordship no exception is made, and it is extremely edifying to see the Chronicle advert with reve. rence to hereditary nobility, as entitled to a preference in the enjoyment of important

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