TABLE OF CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION

15

PREAMBLE.

Peculiarities of the Federal Constitution. State Sovereignty in harmony
with National Union. Constitution established by the people. Hence,
the people are the Sovereign power. No title above that of the citi-
19

zen.

CHAPTER I.

Religion, required by the Constitution, by reason of the official oath. This

oath is a religious obligation. The religion intended is the Christian re-

ligion, because this was the only religion professed by the people at the

time. The Convention which prepared the Constitution. Rules of legal

construction applied to the question. The Common Law established by

the Constitution. Christianity inseparable from the Common Law.

Proofs, from the Commentaries. Statute of William III. Infidels ex-

cluded from office, by necessary implication, under the Constitution of

the United States

26-40

CHAPTER II.

Objections to the argument considered. The contrary construction popular.

Objection from the Constitution, which forbids any religious test; and

requires that Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of

religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Answer to this objec-

tion. Other objections stated, and answered. The religious professions

of the Presidents, Washington, John Adams, Jefferson, and Madison.

The alleged infidelity of Jefferson examined. Not proved. Human in-

consistency. Paine. Voltaire.
Voltaire. Error of the popular hypothesis. Its

danger.
41-65

CHAPTER III.

The religious duty of the citizen, according to the old philosophers. The

mistake of the infidel who supposes himself a philosopher. The position

of the great heathen philosophers, who had no divine revelation to guide

them. State of mankind with respect to revelation. Noah. The ancient

Israelites. Raised up to be the witnesses of true religion to the world.

Their influence lost through their unfaithfulness. Idolatry overspread

the earth. Philosophy arose six centuries before the Christian era.

Thales. Pythagoras. Plato. Aristotle. Epicurus. Antisthenes. The

Cynics. The Sceptics. The Stoics. The New Academy. The Eclectics.

All the philosophers agreed in the duty of supporting the heathen idola-

try established by law and custom, because religion of some sort was

necessary to justice, and the worst religion was better than none. Proofs

from Pythagoras. From Plato. From his master Socrates. From Aris-

totle. From Epictetus. From Plutarch. From Cicero. True meaning

of philosophy according to the ancients. It signifies the love of Wisdom.

The term does not belong to those who only excel in the natural sciences.

The real philosophers would have scorned the claims of men who refused

to do honor to the religion of the nation, and endeavored to undermine

the only basis of real morality and virtue

66-76

CHAPTER IV.

The religious rights of the American citizen. He may choose amongst the
varieties of the Christian faith, which existed at the time when the Con-
stitution was established. Legal rule of construction, from the intention
of the people who adopted the Constitution.. The case of the Jews con-
sidered. All heathen religions excluded, by necessary implication. Like-
wise all new inventions, such as Mormonism. The case of the Church of

England. The case of the Church of Rome.

Constitutional safeguard.

Anomalous position of the Romanist under the Constitution. Inconsis-

tency of Popery with the toleration of the Constitution. Anathema.

The religious duties of the American citizen. 1. To reverence and sup-

port Christianity. 2. To study the Bible, in the authority of which all

Christians agree.
3. To compare with it the variety of religious profes-

sions. 4. To select for his Church that which comes nearest to the

Scriptures. 5. To attend upon its services with regularity. Thus much

is due to his obligations as a citizen-though it does not make him a true

Christian-because Christianity is the basis of government and law.

Consequences of infidelity destructive to the public welfare, as shown

from the French Revolution of 1793. Every blessing of the present life

depends on the religious principle...

77-96

POLITICS.

CHAPTER V.

The science of politics belongs to every citizen, because he is a

partner in the republic, according to Aristotle. It embraces the whole

range of government, law, and moral action. Politics is also an art, and

here it is liable to great abuses. The basis of politics is morality; as the

basis of morals is religion. Cicero's work, De officiis, an admirable sum-

mary. The substance of it set forth: 1. On social duty; 2. On virtue,

as the highest good; 3. On the subdivisions of virtue; 4. On prudence;

5. On justice; 6. On fortitude; 7. On temperance; 8. On various maxims

of duty and propriety; 9. On piety, as first in the order of duty; 10. On

love, as a principle of influence; 11. On avarice; 12. On national charac-

ter; 13. On the unity of interest and virtue. The claims of Cicero as

a high authority on those subjects. Agreement with the Bible, which

enjoins the same, on infinitely higher ground. Rights of the American

citizen with respect to politics. Freedom of speech. Freedom to form a

party. Freedom to change it. Duties of the citizen: 1. To be such a cit-

izen as the welfare of his country requires; 2. To support such candidates

as have a moral character, based on a true reverence for religion and the

laws; 3. To reject the pernicious maxim that the private character of a

candidate has nothing to do with his public character; 4. To make him-

self familiar with the Constitution, so as to be an intelligent as well as a

virtuous citizen. Ignorance very prevalent. Suggestion of the best

mode of remedying the evil..

97-120

CHAPTER VI.

Constitutional rights and duties in reference to Slavery. Its aspect, with

regard to religion. Its lawfulness, with reference to a heathen race, proved

from the Scriptures, both of the Old and the New Testament. Such was

the opinion of the whole Christian world, until the close of the last cen-

tury. A change since that time in public sentiment. The higher law.

None higher than the Bible and the Constitution. The lawfulness of

slavery one thing, and its expediency another....

121-130

CHAPTER VII.

On slavery, in the aspect of philanthropy. The comparison with respect to

the negro slave must be drawn, not from the condition of the free white

population, but from the original barbarism of the native African. The

slaves of the South have many advantages over the lower class of free la-

borers. Their condition in all respects superior to what it would have

been in Africa. To them, therefore, slavery has been a blessing-raising

the whole in religion, morality, and intelligence, and qualifying a portion

for the enjoyment of civilized freedom. Liberia provided, by the South,

for such as are fit for emancipation. Africa is their proper home. And

slavery, in the order of Providence, is the means chosen to fit them for its

regeneration....
130-138

CHAPTER VIII.

On Slavery, in the aspect of politics. The Constitution. The laws of Con-

gress. The duty to maintain them involved in the oath of allegiance.

The authority of the Supreme Court of the United States, a part of the

Constitution, which every officer is sworn to support. No real political

apology for resisting these. The true politician is bound to respect them,

and treat the South with fairness, justice, and kindliness, even if he pre-

fers to have the institution abolished, as soon as it can be, with the con-

sent of all concerned. That it will be abolished, sooner or later, in

the right way, slowly, wisely, and prudently, is the author's convic-

tion...
138-144

CHAPTER IX.

The expediency of abolition. Slavery has been a blessing to the slaves, but

not to the masters; because it entails upon them a serious amount of

loss, of danger, and of onerous responsibility. It is also opposed by such

a large and increasing spirit of hostility, not only in the United States,

but in Europe, that it is hopeless to expect any peace or harmony in its

continuance. Hence it is wise, and necessary to the permanent union of

the nation, that the slaves should be emancipated and sent to Africa, as

soon as practicable. But this should be done gradually, at the cost of the

whole United States, and not to the injury of the South, who are in no

respect to blame for the institution...
144-150

CHAPTER X.

The mode in which such abolition may be accomplished. The pecuniary

value of the slaves, probably a thousand millions of dollars. This sum

not a fourth part of the national debt of England. The United States are

able to assume it, and pay the yearly interest of sixty millions by a direct

tax, and transport the freed negroes to Africa at a certain rate per annum,

and settle them in the manner of Liberia, under competent governors,

without exceeding an average of twenty dollars to each taxable inhabi-

tant. This tax would be only $1.64 the first year, increasing annually

until it reached the maximum. Then it would decrease, as the tax-payers

multiplied, until it dwindled down to a trifle. Under the Constitution

such a tax would be strictly lawful; whenever Congress had reason to

believe that the measure was required for the safety of the republic. But

the consent of the slave States would be necessary. Sketch of a law for

such a purpose.
The object might be accomplished without a direct tax,

by the appropriation of all our remaining public territory, which is worth

twice as much as the whole value of the slaves. Beneficial results of

such a scheme: 1. To the stability of the Union; 2. To the interests of

the Southern States; 3. To the character and fame of the republic; 4. To

the regeneration of Africa; 5. To the final elevation of the whole negro

race to their highest level. Its accomplishment needs a spirit of kindly

co-operation, instead of the spirit of bitterness and strife....... 150–161

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