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For Edward's sake; and, see, how he requites’ me!
Brak. I will, my lord; God give your Grace good rest.
I HEAV'I-LY. Dejectedly; gloomily. , 5 EN-VĪ'RQNED. Surrounded; encoma2 CIT'ED ŬP. Called up; mentioned. I passed. 8 BĚLCH. Throw out; eject.
6 MÄR'VEL. Wonder. · FLĒĒT'ỊNG. Here, changing sides 7 RE-QUITES'. Repay8; rewards. frequently.
| 8 EX'T-CŪTE. Effect ; perform,
XCVIII. - DUTY OF AMERICAN CITIZENS.
DOUGLAS. [Stephen Arnold Douglas was born in Brandon, Vermont, April 13, 1813, and died June 3, 1861. At the age of twenty he removed to Illinois, and was soon after admitted to the bar. In 1832 he was elected state attorney, and from that time till his death he was constantly in the public service, -being, in succes. sion, state attorney, member of the legislature, secretary of state, and judge of the Supreme Court of Illinois ; registrar of the land office of the United States, member of the House of Representatives, and member of the Senate. He way a man of great energy, ability, and self-reliance. The following extract is from a speech delivered by him at Chicago, Illinois, June 1, 1861.]
1. But this is no time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy' is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied’ to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war: only patriots or — traitors.
2. We cannot close our eyes to the sad and solemn fact that war does exist. The government must be maintained, its enemies overthrown; and the more stupendous our preparations the less the bloodshed, and the shorter the struggle will be. But we must remember certain restraints on our action even in time of war. We are a Christian
people, and the war must be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations.
3. We must not invade constitutional rights. The innocent must not suffer, nor women and children be the victims. Savages must not be let loose. But while I sanction“ no war on the rights of others, I will implore my countrymen not to lay down their arms until our own rights are recognized.
4. The constitution and its guarantees are our birth. right, and I am ready to enforce that inalienable right to the last extent. We cannot recognize secession. Recognize it once, and you have not only dissolved government, but you have destroyed social order, and upturned the foundations of society. You have inaugurated anarchy in its worst form, and will shortly experience all the hors rors of the French Revolution.'
5. Then we have a solemn duty, — to maintain the government. The greater our unanimity', the speedier the day of peace. We have prejudices to overcome from a fierce party contest waged a few short months since. Yet these must be allayed. Let us lay aside all criminations and re-', criminations as to the origin of these difficulties. When we shall have again a country, with the United States flag floating over it, and respected on every inch of American soil, - it will then be time enough to ask who and what brought all this upon us.
6. I have said more than I intended to say. It is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war: but sad as it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect the war will be, I express it as my conviction, before God, that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally round the flag of his country.
1 CỌN-SPİR'A-CY. A combination of 4 SĂNC'TIỌN (săngk'-). Give validity
persons for an evil purpose; a plot or authority to ; justify; approve. against a government.
Jó Ū-NA-NİM'I-TY. State of being of one 2 LEV'ỊED. Raised; begun.
mind; agreement in opinion. 8 Pros'-CŪT-ED, Continued ; car-O CRÏM-I-NĀ'TION. Accusation; charge ried on.
1 of crime or wrong.
XCIX. - LIBERTY AND UNION.
[The following piece is from a speech delivered in the Senate of the United States, in January, 1830, in reply to Mr. Hayne of South Carolina.]
1. Mr. PRESIDENT: I have thus stated the reasons of my dissent to the doctrines which have been advanced and maintained. I am conscious of having detained you and the Senate much too long. I was drawn into the debate, with no previous deliberation, such as is suited to the discussion of so grave and important a subject. But it is a subject of which my heart is full, and I have not been willing to suppress the utterance of its spontaneous sentiments.
2. I cannot, even now, persuade myself to relinquish it, without expressing, once more, my deep conviction, that, since it respects nothing less than the Union of the States, it is of most vital and essential importance to the public happiness. I profess, sir, in my career hitherto, to have kept steadily in view the prosperity and honor of the whole country, and the preservation of our Federal Union. It is to that Union we owe our safety at home, and onr consideration and dignity abroad. It is to that Union that we are chiefly indebted for whatever makes us most proud of our country. That Union we reached only by the disci. pline of our virtues in the severe school of adversity.
3. It had its origin in the necessities of disordered finance', prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its benign? influences, these great interests immediately awoke, as from the dead, and sprang forth with newness of life. Every year of its duration has teemed with fresh proofs of its utility and its blessings; and, although our territory has stretched out wider and wider, and our population spread farther and farther, they have not outrun its protection or its benefits. It has been to us all a copious fountain of national, social, personal happiness.
4. I have not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the Union, to see what might lie hidden in the dark recesss behind. I have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving liberty, when the bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder. I have not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of disunion, to see whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below; nor could I regard him as a safe counsellor in the affairs of this government, whose thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not how the Union might be best preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of the people when it shall be broken up and destroyed.
5. While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that I seek not to penetrate the veil. God grant, that, in my day at least, that curtain may not rise! God grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies behind! When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent“; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal: blood!
6. Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather, behold the gorgeous & ensign? of the Republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto, no such miserable interrogatory as “ What is all this worth ?” nor those other words of delusion and folly, “Liberty first, and Union afterwards,” – but every where, spread all over in characters of living light, blazing on its ample folds, as they float over the sea
and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart, — LIBERTY and UNION, now and forever, ONE AND INSEPARABLE!
1 FJ-NĂNCE'. Public revenue of a gov-15 FR4-TËR'NẠL. Belonging to brothernment; income or means.
ers ; brotherly. 2 BĘ-NĪGN'. Kind ; favorable. 6 GÖR'ĢEOỤS (-jųs). Splendid ; showy; 3 RE-CĚss'. A niche or space formed magnificent.
by the receding of the wall of a 7 ÉN'SĪGn. The national flag. room.
| 8 E-RĀSED'. Effaced; scratched out, 4 PEL-LIG'ER-ENT. Engaged in war; l or rubbed out. carrying on war.
19 ÎN-TER-RÖG'A-TQ-RY. Question.
C.- SOLILOQUY OF THE DYING ALCHEMIST.*
And the old shutters of the turret swung,
2. The fire beneath his crucible' was low;
Yet still it burned; and ever as his thoughts
• An alchemist is one versed in the science of chemistry as practised in for mer times. The object of alchemy was to change the baser metals into gold, to find an elixir by which disease and death were to be avoided, &c.