dition. They did so and the following is the that he had been frequently in the habit of report which they made upon the case:

"The undersigned, having been requested by the marshal of the District of Columbia to visit Richard Lawrence, now confined in the jail of the county of Washington, for an attempt to assassinate the President of the United States, with a view to ascertain, as far as practicable, the present condition of his bodily health and state of mind, and believing that a detail of the examination will be more satisfactory than an abstract opinion on the subject, we therefore give the following statement. On entering his room, we engaged in a free conversation with him, in which he participated, apparently, in the most artless and unreserved manner. The first interrogatory propounded was, as to his agewhich question alone he sportively declined answering. We then inquired into the condition of his health, for several years past-to which he replied that it had been uniformly good, and that he had never labored under any mental derangement; nor did he admit the existence of any of those symptoms of physical derangement which usually attend mental alienation. He said he was born in England, and came to this country when twelve or thirteen years of age, and that his father died, in this District, about six or eight years since; that his father was a Protestant and his mother a Methodist, and that he was not a professor of any religion, but sometimes read the Bible, and occasionally attended church. He stated that he was a painter by trade, and had followed that occupation to the present time; but, of late, could not find steady employment-which had caused much pecuniary embarrassment with him; that he had been generally temperate in his habits, using ardent spirits moderately when at work; but, for the last three or four weeks, had not taken any; that he had never gambled, and, in other respects, had led a regular, sober life.

loading and firing those pistols at marks, and that he had never known them to fail going off on any other occasion, and that, at the distance of ten yards, the ball always passed through an inch plank. He also stated that he had loaded those pistols three or four days previous, with ordinary care, for the purpose attempted; but that he used a pencil instead of a ramrod, and that during that period, they were at all times carried in his pocket; and when asked why they failed to explode, he replied he knew no cause. When asked why he went to the capitol on that day, he replied that he expected that the President would be there. He also stated, that he was in the rotunda when the President arrived; and on being asked why he did not then attempt to shoot him, he replied that he did not wish to interfere with the funeral ceremony, and therefore waited till it was over. He also observed that he did not enter the hall, but looked through a window from a lobby, and saw the President seated with members of Congress, and he then returned to the rotunda, and waited till the President again entered it, and then passed through and took his position in the east portico, about two yards from the door, drew his pistols from his inside coat pocket, cocked them and held one in each hand, concealed by his coat, lest he should alarm the spectators-and states, that as soon as the one in the right hand missed fire, he immediately dropped or exchanged it, and attempted to fire the second, before he was seized; he further stated that he aimed each pistol at the Presi dent's heart, and intended, if the first pistol had gone off, and the president had fallen, to have defended himself with the second, if defence had been necessary. On being asked if he did not expect to have been killed on the spot, if he had killed the President, he replied he did not; and that he had no doubt but that he would have been protected by the spectators. He was fre"Upon being interrogated as to the circum- quently questioned whether he had any friends stances connected with the attempted assassina- present, from whom he expected protection. To tion, he said that he had been deliberating on this he replied, that he never had mentioned his it for some time past, and that he had called at intention to any one, and that no one in particuthe President's house about a week previous lar knew his design; but that he presumed it to the attempt, and being conducted to the was generally known that he intended to put President's apartment by the porter, found him the President out of the way. He further stated, in conversation with a member of Congress, that when the President arrived at the door, whom he believed to have been Mr. Sutherland, near which he stood, finding him supported on of Pennsylvania; that he stated to the Presi- the left by Mr. Woodbury, and observing many dent that he wanted money to take him to Eng-persons in his rear, and being himself rather to land, and that he must give him a check on the bank, and the President remarked, that he was too much engaged to attend to him-he must call another time, for Mr. Dibble was in waiting for an interview. When asked about the pistols which he had used, he stated that his father left him a pair, but not being alike, about four years since he exchanged one for another, which exactly matched the best of the pair; these were both flint locks, which he recently had altered to percussion locks, by a Mr. Boteler;

the right of the President, in order to avoid wounding Mr. Woodbury, and those in the rear, he stepped a little to his own right, so that should the ball pass through the body of the President, it would be received by the doorframe, or stone wall. On being asked if he felt no trepidation during the attempt: He replied, not the slightest, until he found that the second pistol had missed fire. Then observing that the President was advancing upon him, with an uplifted cane, he feared that it contained a sword,

"When asked if he was friendly to Gen. Jackson, he replied, no. Why not? He answered, because he was a tyrant. Who told you he was a tyrant? He answered, it was a common talk with the people, and that he had read it in all the papers. He was asked if he could name any one who had told him so? He replied, no. He was asked if he ever threatened to shoot Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, or Mr. Calhoun, or whether he would shoot them if he had an opportunity? He replied, no. When asked if he would shoot Mr. Van Buren? He replied, no, that he once met with Mr. Van Buren in the rotunda, and told him he was in want of money and must have it, and if he did not get it he (Mr. Van Buren), or Gen. Jackson must fall. He was asked if any person were present during the conversation? He replied, that there were several present, and when asked if he

which might have been thrust through him before he could have been protected by the crowd. And when interrogated as to the motive which induced him to attempt the assassination of the President, he replied, that he had been told that the President had caused his loss of occupation, and the consequent want of money, and he believed that to put him out of the way, was the only remedy for this evil; but to the interrogatory, who told you this? he could not identify any one, but remarked that his brother-in-law, Mr. Redfern, told him that he would have no more business, because he was opposed to the President and he believed Redfern to be in league with the President against him. Again being questioned, whether he had often attended the debates in Congress, during the present session, and whether they had influenced him in making this attack on the person of the President, he replied that he had frequently attend-recollected one of them, he replied that he did ed the discussions in both branches of Congress, but that they had, in no degree, influenced his action.

not. When asked if any one advised him to shoot Gen. Jackson, or say that it ought to be done? He replied, I do not like to say. On being pressed on this point, he said no one in

"He further stated, that believing the Presi

was still fixed in his purpose to kill him, and if his succcessor pursued the same course, to put him out of the way also-and declared that no power in this country could punish him for having done so, because it would be resisted by the powers of Europe, as well as of this country. He also stated, that he had been long in correspondence with the powers of Europe, and that his family had been wrongfully deprived of the crown of England, and that he should yet live to regain it and that he considered the President of the United States nothing more than his clerk.

"Upon being asked if he expected to become the president of the United States, if Gen. Jack-particular had advised him." son had fallen, he replied no. "When asked whom he wished to be the Pre-dent to be the source of all his difficulties, he sident, his answer was, there were many persons in the House of Representatives. On being asked if there were no persons in the Senate, yes, several; and it was the Senate to which I alluded. Who, in your opinion, of the Senate, would make a good President? He answered, Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, Mr. Calhoun. What do you think of Col. Benton, Mr. Van Buren, or Judge White, for President? He thought they would do well. On being asked if he knew any member of either house of Congress, he replied that he did not-and never spoke to one in his life, or they to him. On being asked what benefit he expected himself from the death of the President, he answered he could not rise unless the President fell, and that he expected thereby to recover his liberty, and that the mechanics would all be benefited; that the mechanics would have plenty of work; and that money would be more plenty. On being asked why it would be more plenty, he replied, it would be more easily obtained from the bank. On being asked what bank, he replied, the Bank of the United States. On being asked if he knew the president, directors, or any of the officers of the bank, or had ever held any intercourse with them, or knew how he could get money out of the bank, he replied no-that he slightly knew Mr. Smith only.

"On being asked with respect to the speeches which he had heard in Congress, and whether he was particularly pleased with those of Messrs. Calhoun, Clay, and Webster, he replied that he was, because they were on his side. He was then asked if he was well pleased with the speeches of Col. Benton and Judge White? He said he was, and thought Col. Benton highly

talented.

"We now think proper to add, that the young man appears perfectly tranquil and unconcerned, as to the final result, and seems to anticipate no punishment for what he has done. The above contains the leading, and literally expressed facts of the whole conversation we had with him, which continued at least two hours. The questions were frequently repeated at different stages of the examination; and presented in various forms."

It is clearly to be seen from this medical examination of the man, that this attempted assassination of the President, was one of those cases of which history presents many instances -a diseased mind acted upon by a general outcry Lawrence was in the against a public man. particular condition to be acted upon by what he heard against General Jackson:-a workman out of employment-needy—idle-mentally morbid; and with reason enough to argue regularly from false premises. He heard the

should do it, but he had not consulted with any one. In the ordinary routine of business, no one was more ready to consult with his friends, and to defer to their opinions, than he was; but there were some occasions on which he held council with no man, but took his own course, without regard to consequences. It would have been a matter of entire indifference with him, had the whole Senate risen as one man, and declared a determination to give a unanimous vote against him. It would have mattered nothing. He would not have deferred to any human being. Actuated by these feelings he had given notice of his intention in the month of May; and in obedience to that determination he had, on the last day of the session, laid his resolution on the table, in order to keep the matter alive.

mitted in its fullest extent. He held his place there, subject to the control of the legislature of Alabama, and whenever their instructions reached him, he should be governed by them. He made this statement without entering into the consideration of the propriety or impropriety of senators exercising their own judgment as to the course they deemed most proper to pursue. For himself, never having doubted the right of a legislature to instruct their senators in Congress, he should consider himself culpable if he did not carry their wishes into effect, when properly expressed. And he had hoped there would have been no expression of the Senate at this time, as he was not disposed to enter into a discussion then, for particular reasons, which it was not necessary he should state.

"This brought him to the answer to the ques- "As to the propriety of acting on the subtion proposed. The presentation of the resolu- ject then, that would depend upon the opinions tions of the legislature of Alabama afforded a of gentlemen as to the importance, the great imfit and proper occasion to give that public notice portance, of having the journal of the Senate which he had already informally and privately freed from what many supposed to be an uncongiven to many members of the Senate. He had stitutional act of the Senate, although the said that he should bring forward his resolution majority of it thought otherwise. He would at the earliest convenient time. And yesterday now say that, if no one should bring forward a evening, when he saw the attempt which was proposition to get the resolution expunged, he, made to give to a proceeding emanating from feeling himself bound to obey the opinions of the Post Office Committee, and to which, by the legislature, should do so, and would vote for the unanimous consent of that committee, ait. If no precedent was to be found for such legislative direction had been assigned, a new form, by one of the senators from South Carolina, so as to make it a proceeding against persons, in contradistinction to the public matters embodied in the report; when he heard these persons assailed by one of the senators from South Carolina, in such a manner as to prevent any possibility of doubt concerning them; and when he discovered that the object of these gentle men was impeachment in substance, if not in form, he did at once form the determination to give notice this morning of his intention to move his resolution at the earliest convenient period.

"This was his answer to the question which had been proposed.

an act of the Senate, he should most unhesitatingly vote for expunging the resolution from the journal of the Senate, in such manner as should be justified by precedent.

Mr. Clay said the honorable member from Alabama had risen in his place, and presented to the Senate two resolutions, adopted by the legislature of his State, instructing him and his colleague to use their untiring exertions to cause to be expunged from the journals of the Senate certain resolutions passed during the last session of Congress, on the subject of the removal of the deposits from the Bank of the United States. The resolutions of Alabama had been presented; they were accompanied by no mo"Mr. King, of Alabama, said he was surprised tion to carry the intentions of that State into to hear the question of the honorable senator effect; nor were they accompanied by any intifrom Kentucky, as he did not expect such an mation from the honorable senator, who preinquiry: for he had supposed it was well under-sented them, of his intention to make any prostood by every member of the Senate what his sentiments were in regard to the right of instruction. The legislature of Alabama had instructed him to pursue a particular course, and he should obey their instructions. With regard to the resolution to which the legislature alluded, he could merely say that he voted against it at the time it was adopted by the Senate. His opinion as to it was then, as well as now, perfectly understood. If the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Benton] declined bringing the subject forward relative to the propriety of expunging the resolution in question from the journal of the Senate, he, himself should, at some proper time, do so, and also say something on the great and important question as to the right of instruction. Now, that might be ad

position, in relation to them, to the Senate. Under these circumstances, the inquiry was made by him (Mr. C.) of the senator from Alabama, which he thought the occasion called for. The inquiry was a very natural one, and he had learned with unfeigned surprise that the senator did not expect it. He would now say to the senator from Alabama, that of him, and of him alone, were these inquiries made; and with regard to the reply made by another senator (Mr. Benton), he would further say, that his relations to him were not such as to enable him to know what were that senator's intentions, at any time, and on any subject, nor was it necessary he should know them.

"He had nothing further to say, than to express the hope that the senator from Alabama

debate, and prevent the one commenced yesterday from being resumed to-day.

would, for the present, withdraw the resolutions he had presented; and if, after he had consulted precedents, and a careful examination "Mr. Calhoun moved that the resolution be of the constitution of the United States, he finds laid upon the table, to give the senator from that he can, consistently with them, make any Alabama [Mr. King], an opportunity to prepare propositions for the action of the Senate, he a resolution to accomplish the meditated purpose (Mr. C.) would be willing to receive the resolu- of rescinding the former resolutions of the Senate. tions, and pay to them all that attention and re- I confess, sir (observed Mr. C.), I feel some cuspect which the proceedings of one of the States riosity to see how the senator from Alabama of this Union merited. If the gentleman did will reconcile such a proceeding with the free not pursue that course, he should feel himself and independent existence of a Senate. I feel, bound, by every consideration, by all the obli- sir, a great curiosity to hear how that gentleman gations which bound a public man to discharge proposes that the journals are to be kept, if such his duty to his God, his country, and his own a procedure is allowed to take effect. I should honor, to resist such an unconstitutional proce- like to know how he proposes to repeal a jourdure as the reception of these resolutions, with- nal. By what strange process he would destroy out the expressed wish of the legislature of Ala-facts, and annihilate events and things which are bama, and without any intimation from her now the depositories of history. When he shall senators, of any proposition to be made on them, have satisfied my curiosity on this particular, at the very threshold. He did hope that, for then there is another thing I am anxious to be inthe present, the gentleman would withdraw these formed upon, and that is, what form, what strange resolutions, and at a proper time present them and new plan of proceeding, will he suggest for the with some substantive proposition for the con- adoption of the Senate? I will tell him; I will sideration of the Senate. If he did not, the de-show him the only resource that is left, the point bate must go on, to the exclusion of the important one commenced yesterday, and which every gentleman expected to be continued to-day, as he should in such case feel it necessary to submit a motion for the Senate to decide whether, under present circumstances, the resolutions could be received.

"Mr. Clay declared that when such a resolution should be offered he should discharge the duty which he owed to his God, his country and his honor.

"Mr. King of Alabama, had felt an unwillingness from the first to enter into this discussion, for reasons which would be understood by every gentleman. It was his wish, and was so understood by one or two friends whom he had consulted, that the resolutions should lie on the table for the present, until the debate on another subject was disposed of. In reply to the senator from Kentucky, he must say that he could not, situated as he was, accede to his proposition. His object certainly was to carry into effect the wishes of the legislature of his State; and he, as well as his colleague, felt bound to obey the will of the sovereign State of Alabama, whenever made known to them. He certainly should, at a proper time, present a distinct proposition in relation to these resolutions for the consideration of the Senate; and the senator from Kentucky could then have an opportunity of discharging "his duty to his God, to his country, and his own honor,' in a manner most consistent with his own sense of propriety.

"Mr. Clay would not renew the intimation of any intention on his part, to submit a motion to the Senate, if there was any probability that the senator from Alabama would withdraw the resolutions he had submitted. He now gave notice that, if the senator did not think fit to withdraw them, he should feel it his duty to submit a proposition which would most probably lead to a

to which he necessarily comes, and that is this: he will be obliged to declare, in his resolution, that the principle upon which the Senate acted was not correct; that it was a false and erroneous principle. And let me ask, what was that principle, which now, it seems, is to be destroyed? The principle on which the Senate acted, the principle which that gentleman engages to overthrow, is this: 'we have a right to express our opinion.' He will be compelled to deny that; or, perhaps, he may take refuge from such a predicament by qualifying his subversion of this first principle of legislative freedom. And how will he qualify the denial of this principle? that is, how will he deny it, and yet apparently maintain it? He has only one resource left, and that is, to pretend that we have a right to express our opinions, but not of the President. This is the end and aim; yes, this is the inevitable consequence and result of such an extraordinary, such a monstrous procedure.

"So then, it is come to this, that the Senate has no right to express its opinion in relation to the Executive? A distinction is now set up between the President and all other officers, and the gentleman is prepared with a resolution to give effect and energy to the distinction; and now, for the first time that such a doctrine has ever been heard on the American soil, he is prepared to profess and publish, in the face of the American people, that old and worn-out dogma of old and worn-out nations, 'the King can do no wrong!' that his officers his ministers, are alone responsible; that we shall be permitted perhaps to utter our opinions of them; but a unanimous opinion expressed by the Senate, in relation to the President himself, is no longer suffered to exist, is no longer permitted to be given; it must be expunged from the journals.

I confess I am agitated with an intense curiosity: I wish to see with what ingenuity of art