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ment of this View to the end of General Jack-General Jackson had to confront it as a present, son's administration: Smith Thompson, Esq., actual, subsisting danger; and said: of New York, in 1823, in place of Brockholst Livingston, Esq., deceased; Robert Trimble, Esq., of Kentucky, in 1826, in place of Thomas Todd, deceased; John McLean, Esq., of Ohio, in 1829, in place of Robert Trimble, deceased; Henry Baldwin, Esq., of Pennsylvania, in 1830, in place of Bushrod Washington, deceased; James M. Wayne, Esq., of Georgia, in 1835, in place of William Johnson, deceased; Philip P. Barbour, Esq., of Virginia, in 1836, in place of Gabriel Duval, resigned.

In the same time, William Griffith, Esq. of New Jersey, was appointed Clerk, in 1826, in place of Elias B. Caldwell, deceased; and William Thomas Carroll, Esq., of the District of Columbia, was appointed, in 1827, in place of William Griffith, deceased. Of the reporters of the decisions of the Supreme Court, Richard Peters, jr., Esq., of Pennsylvania, was appointed, in 1828, in place of Henry Wheaton; and Benjamin C. Howard, Esq., of Maryland, was appointed, in 1843, to succeed Mr. Peters, de

ceased.

The Marshals of the District, during the same period, were: Henry Ashton, of the District of Columbia, appointed, in 1831, in place of Tench Ringgold; Alexander Hunter, of the same District, in place of Henry Ashton; Robert Wallace, in 1848 in place of Alexander Hunter, deceased; Richard Wallach, in 1849, in place of Robert Wallace; and Jonah D. Hoover, in 1853, in place of Richard Wallach.

CHAPTER CLXIII.

"We behold systematic efforts publicly made to sow the seeds of discord between different parts of the United States, and to place party divisions directly upon geographical distinctions; to excite the South against the North, and the North against the South, and to force into the controversy the most delicate and exciting topics-topics upon which it is impossible that a large portion of the Union can ever speak without strong emotion. Appeals, too, are constantly the election of the Chief Magistrate, as if it were made to sectional interests, in order to influence desired that he should favor a particular quarter of the country, instead of fulfilling the duties of his station with impartial justice to all; and the possible dissolution of the Union has at length become an ordinary and familiar subject of discussion. Has the warning voice of Washington been forgotten? or have designs already been formed to sever the Union? Let it not be supposed that I impute to all of those who have taken an active part in these unwise and unprofitable discussions, a want of patriotism or of public virtue. The honorable feelings of State pride, and local attachments, find a place in the while such men are conscious of their own inbosoms of the most enlightened and pure. But tegrity and honesty of purpose, they ought never to forget that the citizens of other States are their political brethren; and that, however mistaken they may be in their views, the great with themselves. Mutual suspicions and rebody of them are equally honest and upright proaches may in time create mutual hostility; and artful and designing men will always be found, who are ready to foment these fatal dividifferent sections of the country! The history sions, and to inflame the natural jealousies of of the world is full of such examples, and especially the history of republics.

"What have you to gain by division and dissension? Delude not yourselves with the belief, that a breach, once made, may be afterwards repaired. If the Union is once severed, the line of separation will grow wider and wider; and the controversies which are now debated and settled in the halls of legislation, will then be

FAREWELL ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT JACKSON- tried in fields of battle, and determined by the

EXTRACT.

FOLLOWING the example of Washington, General Jackson issued a Farewell Address to the people of the United States, at his retiring from the presidency; and, like that of Washington, it was principally devoted to the danger of disunion, and to the preservation of harmony and good feeling between the different sections of the country. General Washington only had to contemplate the danger of disunion, as a possibility, and as an event of future contingency;

sword. Neither should you deceive yourselves with the hope, that the first line of separation would be the permanent one, and that nothing but harmony and concord would be found in the new associations formed upon the dissolube found there, and unchastened ambition. And if the recollection of common dangers, in which the people of these United States stood side by side against the common foe-the memory of victories won by their united valor; the prosperity and happiness they have enjoyed under the present constitution; the proud name they bear as citizens of this great republic-if all

tion of this Union. Local interests would still

these recollections and proofs of common interest are not strong enough to bind us together as one people, what tie will hold united the new divisions of empire, when these bonds have been broken and this Union dissevered? The first line of separation would not last for a single generation; new fragments would be torn off; new leaders would spring up; and this great and glorious republic would soon be broken into a multitude of petty States, without commerce, without credit; jealous of one another; armed for mutual aggressions; loaded with taxes to pay armies and leaders; seeking aid against each other from foreign powers; insulted and trampled upon by the nations of Europe; until, harassed with conflicts, and humbled and debased in spirit, they would be ready to submit to the absolute dominion of any military adventurer, and to surrender their liberty for the sake of repose. It is impossible to look on the consequences that would inevitably follow the destruction of this government, and not feel indignant when we hear cold calculations about the value of the Union, and have so constantly before us a line of conduct so well calculated to weaken its ties."

picture to find a blemish in the detail-disregard-
ing a statesman's life to find a misstep; and shut-
ting their eyes upon the action of the people. The
mistakes and errors of public men are fairly
shown in this work; and that might seem to justi-
fy the reproach: but the action of the people is
immediately seen to come in, to correct every
error, and to show the capacity of the people for
wise and virtuous government. It would be te-
dious to enumerate the instances of this conserva-
tive supervision, so continually exemplified in the
course of this history; but some eminent cases
stand out too prominently to be overlooked.
The recharter of the Bank of the United States
was a favorite measure with politicians; the
people rejected it; and the wisdom of their con-
The distri-
duct is now universally admitted.
bution of land and money was a favorite mea-
sure with politicians; the people condemned it;
and no one of those engaged in these distribu-
tions ever attained the presidency. President
Jackson, in his last annual message to Congress,
and in direct reference to this conservative ac-

Nothing but the deepest conviction of an actual danger could have induced General Jackson, tion of the people, declared "that all that had in this solemn manner, and with such pointed occurred during his administration was calculareference and obvious application, to have given ted to inspire him with increased confidence in this warning to his countrymen, at that last the stability of our institutions." I make the moment, when he was quitting office, and resame declaration, founded upon the same view turning to his home to die. He was, indeed, of the conduct of the people-upon the obserfirmly impressed with a sense of that danger- vation of their conduct in trying circumstances; as much so as Mr. Madison was—and with the and their uniform discernment to see, and virtue same "pain" of feeling, and presentiment of and patriotism to do, whatever the honor and great calamities to our country. What has interest of the country required. The work is since taken place has shown that their appre-full of consolation and encouragement to popular hensions were not groundless-that the danger government; and in that point of view it may be safely referred to by the friends of that form of government. I have written veraciously, and of acts, not of motives. I have shown a persevering attack upon President Jackson on the part of three eminent public men during his whole administration; but have made no attribution of motives. But another historian has not been so forbearing-one to whose testimony

was deep-seated, and wide-spread; and the end not yet.

CHAPTER CLXIV.

CONCLUSION OF GENERAL JACKSON'S ADMINIS- there can be no objection, either on account of

TRATION.

THE enemies of popular representative government may suppose that they find something in this work to justify the reproach of faction and violence which they lavish upon such forms of government; but it will be by committing the mistake of overlooking the broad features of a

bias, judgment, or information; and who, writing under the responsibility of history, has indicated a motive in two of the assailants. Mr. Adams, in his history of the administration of Mr. Monroe, gives an account of the attempt in the two Houses of Congress in 1818, to censure General Jackson for his conduct in the Seminole war, and says: "Efforts were made in Con

school; and was always more moderate, and better guarded by decorum. He even appeared, sometimes, as the justifier and supporter of President Jackson's measures; as in the wellknown instance of South Carolina nullification. Mr. Clay's efforts were limited to the overthrow of President Jackson; Mr. Calhoun's extended to the overthrow of the Union, and to the establishment of a southern confederacy of the slave States. The subsequent volume will have to pursue this subject.

gress to procure a vote censuring the conduct Jackson; and it was probably his rising to the of General Jackson, whose fast increasing pop- head of that party which threw them both out ularity had, in all probability, already excited of it. Mr. Webster's opposition arose from his the envy of politicians. Mr. Clay and Mr. Cal-political relations, as belonging to the opposite houn in particular favored this movement; but the President himself, and Mr. Adams, the Secretary of State, who had charge of the Spanish negotiation, warmly espoused the cause of the American commander." This fear of a rising popularity was not without reason. There. were proposals to bring General Jackson forward for the presidency in 1816, and in 1820; to which he would not listen, on account of his friendship to Mr. Monroe. A refusal to enter the canvass at those periods, and for that reason, naturally threw him into it in 1824, when he would come into competition with those two gentlemen. Their opposition to him, therefore, dates back to the first term of Mr. Monroe's administration; that of Mr. Clay openly and responsibly; that of Mr. Calhoun secretly and deceptiously, as shown in the "Exposition." They were both of the same political party school with General

This chapter ends the view of the administration of President Jackson, promised to him in his lifetime, constituting an entire work in itself, and covering one of the most eventful periods of American history-as trying to the virtue and intelligence of the American people as was the war of the revolution to their courage and patriotism.

CHAPTER CLXV.

RETIRING AND DEATH OF GENERAL JACKSON-ADMINISTRATION OF MARTIN VAN BUREN.

THE second and last term of General Jack- the hero-patriot who, all his life, and in all cirson's presidency expired on the 3d of March, cumstances of his life, in peace and in war, and 1837. The next day, at twelve, he appeared glorious in each, had been the friend of his with his successor, Mr. Van Buren, on the ele- country, devoted to her, regardless of self. Unvated and spacious eastern portico of the capitol, covered, and bowing, with a look of unaffected as one of the citizens who came to witness the humility and thankfulness, he acknowledged in inaguration of the new President, and no way mute signs his deep sensibility to this affecting distinguished from them, except by his place on overflow of popular feeling. I was looking down the left hand of the President elect. The day from a side window, and felt an emotion which was beautiful-clear sky, balmy vernal sun, had never passed through me before. I had seen tranquil atmosphere;-and the assemblage im- the inauguration of many presidents, and their mense. On foot, in the large area in front of going away, and their days of state, vested with the steps, orderly without troops, and closely power, and surrounded by the splendors of the wedged together, their faces turned to the por- first magistracy of a great republic. But they tico-presenting to the beholders from all the all appeared to be as pageants, empty and souleastern windows the appearance of a field paved less, brief to the view, unreal to the touch, and with human faces. This vast crowd remained soon to vanish. But here there seemed to be a riveted to their places, and profoundly silent, reality—a real scene-a man and the peopleuntil the ceremony of inauguration was over. he, laying down power and withdrawing through It was the stillness and silence of reverence and the portals of everlasting fame ;-they, sounding affection; and there was no room for mistake as in his ears the everlasting plaudits of unborn to whom this mute and impressive homage was generations. Two days after, I saw the patriot rendered. For once, the rising was eclipsed by ex-President in the car which bore him off to the setting sun. Though disrobed of power, his desired seclusion. I saw him depart with and retiring to the shades of private life, it was that look of quiet enjoyment which bespoke the evident that the great ex-President was the ab- inward satisfaction of the soul at exchanging the sorbing object of this intense regard. At the cares of office for the repose of home. History, moment he began to descend the broad steps of poetry, oratory, marble and brass, will hand the portico to take his seat in the open carriage down the military exploits of Jackson: this which was to bear him away, the deep repressed work will commemorate the events of his civil feeling of the dense mass brook forth, acclama-administration, not less glorious than his militions and cheers bursting from the heart and filling the air-such as power never commanded, nor man in power received. It was the affection, gratitude, and admiration of the living age, saluting for the last time a great man. It was the acclaim of posterity, breaking from the bosoms of contemporaries. It was the anticipation of futurity-unpurchasable homage to

tary achievements, great as they were; and this brief notice of his last appearance at the American capital is intended to preserve some faint memory of a scene, the grandeur of which was so impressive to the beholder, and the solace of which must have been so grateful to the heart of the departing patriot.

Eight years afterwards he died at the Hermit

age, in the full possession of all his faculties, lina, gave me kind invitations to visit him; and and strong to the last in the ruling passion of expressed a belief that I would do well at the his soul-love of country. Public history will bar-generous words which had the effect of do justice to his public life; but a further notice promoting what they undertook to foretell. Soon is wanted of him-a notice of the domestic after, he had further opportunity to show his man—of the man at home, with his wife, his generous feelings. I was employed in a crimifriends, his neighbors, his slaves; and this I feel nal case of great magnitude, where the oldest some qualification for giving, from my long and and ablest counsel appeared-Haywood, Grundy, varied acquaintance with him. First, his inti- Whiteside,-and the trial of which General mate and early friend-then a rude rupture-Jackson attended through concern for the fate afterwards friendship and intimacy for twenty of a friend. As junior counsel I had to preyears, and until his death: in all forty years of cede my elders, and did my best; and, it being personal observation, in the double relation of on the side of his feelings, he found my effort to friend and foe, and in all the walks of life, public be better than it was. He complimented me and private, civil and military. greatly, and from that time our intimacy began. The first time that I saw General Jackson I soon after became his aid, he being a Major was at Nashville, Tennessee, in 1799-he on General in the Tennessee militia-made so by the bench, a judge of the then Superior Court, a majority of one vote. How much often deand I a youth of seventeen, back in the crowd. pends upon one vote!-New Orleans, the Creek He was then a remarkable man, and had his campaign, and all their consequences, date from ascendant over all who approached him, not the that one vote!-and after that, I was habitually effect of his high judicial station, nor of the at his house; and, as an inmate, had opportunisenatorial rank which he had held and resigned; ties to know his domestic life, and at the period nor of military exploits, for he had not then when it was least understood and most misrepbeen to war; but the effect of personal qualities; resented. He had resigned his place on the cordial and graceful manners, hospitable temper, bench of the Superior Court, as he had previelevation of mind, undaunted spirit, generosity, ously resigned his place in the Senate of the and perfect integrity. In charging the jury in United States, and lived on a superb estate of the impending case, he committed a slight so- some thousand acres, twelve miles from Nashlecism in language which grated on my ear, and ville, then hardly known by its subsequent lodged on my memory, without derogating in famous name of the Hermitage-name chosen the least from the respect which he inspired; for its perfect accord with his feelings; for he and without awakening the slightest suspicion had then actually withdrawn from the stage of that I was ever to be engaged in smoothing his public life, and from a state of feeling well diction. The first time I spoke with him was known to belong to great talent when finding some years after, at a (then) frontier town in no theatre for its congenial employment. He Tennessee, when he was returning from a was a careful farmer, overlooking every thing Southern visit, which brought him through the himself, seeing that the fields and fences were towns and camps of some of the Indian tribes. in good order, the stock well attended, and the In pulling off his overcoat, I perceived on the slaves comfortably provided for. His house was white lining of the turning down sleeve, a dark the seat of hospitality, the resort of friends and speck, which had life and motion. I brushed it acquaintances, and of all strangers visiting the off, and put the heel of my shoe upon it-little State-and the more agreeable to all from the thinking that I was ever to brush away from perfect conformity of Mrs. Jackson's character him game of a very different kind. He smiled; to his own. But he needed some excitement and we began a conversation in which he very beyond that which a farming life can afford, and quickly revealed a leading trait of his charac- found it, for some years, in the animating sports ter, that of encouraging young men in their of the turf. He loved fine horses-racers of laudable pursuits. Getting my name and parent-speed and bottom-owned several, and contestage, and learning my intended profession, he ed the four mile heats with the best that could manifested a regard for me, said he had received be bred, or brought to the State, and for large hospitality at my father's house in North Caro- sums. That is the nearest to gaming that I

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