A Republick has for its basis the capacity and right of the people to govern hemselves. A main principle of a repreentative republick is the responsibility of the representatives to their constiuents. Freedom and publicity of debate re essential to the preservation of such Forms of government. Every arbitrary bridgment of the right of speech in representatives, is a direct infringement of he liberty of the people. Every unnecessary concealment of their proceedings in approximation towards tyranny. When by systematick rules, a majority takes to tself the right, at its pleasure, of limitng speech, or denying it, altogether; when secret sessions multiply; and in proportion to the importance of questions, s the studious concealment of debate, a people may be assured, that such pracices continuing, their freedom is but Shortlived.

Reflections, such as these, have been forced upon the attention of the undersigned, members of the house of representatives of the United States, by the vents of the present session of congress. They have witnessed a principle, adopt ed as the law of the house, by which, ander a novel application of the previous question, a power is assumed by the maority to deny the privilege of speech, at any stage, and under any circumstances of debate. And recently, by an unprecedented assumption, the right to give reasons for an original motion, has been made to depend upon the will of the maority.

Principles more hostile than these to the existence of representative liberty, cannot easily be conceived. It is not, how ever, on these accounts, weighty as they

are,that the undersigned have undertaken this address. A subject of higher and more immediate importance impels them to the present duty.

The momentous question of war, with Great Britain, is decided. On this topick, so vital to your interests, the right of publick debate, in the face of the world, and especially of their constituents, has been denied to your representatives. They have been called into secret session, on this most interesting of all your publick relations, although the circumstances of the time and of the nation, afforded no one reason for secrecy, unless it be found in the apprehension of the effect of publick debate, on publick opinion; or of publick opinion on the result of the vote.

Except the message of the president of the United States, which is now be fore the publick, nothing confidential was communicated. That message contained no fact, not previously known. No one reason for war was intimated, but such as was of a nature publick and notorious. The intention to wage war and invade Canada, had been long since openly avowed. The object of hostile menace had been ostentatiously announced. The inadequacy of both our army and navy, for successful invasion, and the insufficiency of the fortifications for the security of our seaboard were every where known. Yet the doors of congress were shut upon the people. They have been carefully kept in ignorance of the progress of measures, until the purposes of administration were consummated, and the fate of the country sealed. In a situation so extraordinary, the undersigned have deemed it their duty by no act of theirs to sanction. à procceding, so novel and arbitrary. On

the contrary, they made every attempt, in their power, to attain publicity for their proceedings. All such attempts were vain. When this momentous subject was stated, as for debate; they demanded that the doors should be opened.

This being refused, they declined discussion; being perfectly convinced, from indications, too plain to be misunderstood that, in the house, all argument, with closed doors, was hopeless; and that any act, giving implied validity to so flagrant an abuse of power, would be little less than treachery to the essential rights of a free people. In the situation, to which the undersigned have thus been reduced, they are compelled, reluctantly to resort to this publick declaration of such views of the state and relations of the country, as determined their judgment and vote upon the question of war. A measure of this kind has appeared to the undersigned to be more imperiously demanded by the circumstance of a message and manifesto being prepared and circulated at publick expense, in which the causes for war were enumerated, and the motives for it concentrated, in a manner suited to agitate and influence the publick mind. In executing this task it will be the study of the undersigned to reconcile the great duty they owe to the people, with that constitutional respect which is due to the administrators of publick concerns.

In commencing this view of our affairs, the undersigned would fail in duty to themselves did they refrain from recurring to the course, in relation to publick measures, which they adopted, and have undeviatingly pursued, from the commencement of this long and eventful session; in which they deliberately sacri. ficed every minor consideration to what they deemed the best interests of the

country.

For a succession of years the undersigned have, from principle, disapproved a series of restrictions upon commerce, according to their estimation, inefficient as respected foreign nations and injurious, chiefly, to ourselves. Success, in

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the system, had become identified with the pride, the character, and the hope of our cabinet. As is natural with men, who have a great stake depending on the success of a favourite theory, pertinacity seemed to increase as its hopelessness became apparent. As the inefficiency of this system could not be admitted, by its advocates, without ensuring its abandonment, ill success was, carefully attributed to the influence of opposition.

To this cause the people were taught to charge its successive failures and not to its intrinsiek imbecility. In this state of things the undersigned deemed it pro. per, to take away all apology for adherence to this oppressive system. They were desirous, at a period so critical in publick affairs, as far as was consistent with the independence of opinion, to contribute to the restoration of harmony in the publick councils, and concord among the people. And if any advantage could he thus obtained in our foreign relations, the undersigned, being engaged in no purpose of personal or party advancement, would rejoice, in such an

Occurrence.

The course of publick measures also at the opening of the session, gave hope that an enlarged & enlightened system of defence, with provision for, or security of our maritime rights, was about to be commenced; a purpose, which, wherever found, they deemed it their duty to foster, by giving, to any system of measures, thus comprehensive, as unobstructed a course as was consistent with their general sense of publick duty. After a course of policy, thus liberal and conciliatory, it was cause of regret that a communication should have been purchased by an unprecedented expenditure of secret service money; and used, by the chief magistrate, to disseminate suspicion and jealously; and to excite resentment, among the citizens, by suggesting imputations against a portion of them, as unmerited by their patriotism, as unwarranted by evidence.

It has always been the opinion of the undersigned, that a system of peace was

the policy, which most comported with the character, condition, and interest of the United States; that their remoteness from the theatre of contest, in Europe, was their peculiar felicity and that nothing but a necessity, absolutely imperious, should induce them to enter as parties into wars, in which every consideration of virtue and policy seems to be forgot ten, under the overbearing sway of rapacity and ambition. There is a new era in human affairs. The European world is convulsed. The advantages of our own situation are peculiar. "Why* quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice?"

In addition to the many moral and prudential considerations, which should deter thoughtful men from hastening into the perils of such a war, there were some peculiar to the United States, resulting from the texture of the government and the political relations of the people. A form of government, in no small degree experimental, composed of powerful and independent sovereignties associated in relations, some of which are critical, as well as novel, should not be hastily pre cipitated into situations, calculated to put to trial, the strength of the moral bond, by which they are united. Of all states, that of war is most likely to call into activity the passions, which are hostile and dangerous to such a form of government. Time is yet important to our country to settle and mature its recent institutions. Above all, it appeared to the undersigned from signs not to be mistaken, that if we entered upon this war, we did it as a divided people; not only from a sense of the inadequacy of our means to success, but from moral and political objections of great weight and very general influence.

It appears to the undersigned, that the wrongs, of which the U. States have to

complain, although in some aspects, very grievous to our interests, and in many humiliating to our pride, were yet of a nature which in the present state of the world, either would not justify war, or which war would not remedy. Thus, for instance the hovering of British vessels upon our coasts, and the occasional insults to our ports, imperiously deman ded such a systematick application of harbour and seacoast defence, as would repel such aggressions; but in no light, can they be considered as making a re sort to war, at the present time, on the part of the United States, either necessary or expedient. So also, with respect to the Indian war, of the origin of which, but very imperfect imformation has as yet been given to the publick. Without any express act of Congress, an expedi tion was last year, set on foot and prosecuted into Indian territory, which had been relinquished by treaty, on the part of the United States. And now we are told about the agency of British traders, as to Indian hostilities. It deserves consideration, whether there has been such provident attention, as would have been proper to remove any cause of complaint, either real or imaginary, which the Indians might allege, and to secure their friendship. With all the sympathy and anxiety excited by the state of that frontier; important as it may be, to apply adequate means of protection, against the Indians, how is its safety ensured by a declaration of war, which adds the British to the number of enemies?

As a decent respect to the opinions of mankind" has not induced the two houses of congress to concur in declaring the reasons, or motives, for their enacting a declaration of war, the undersigned and he publick are left to search, elsewhere, for causes either real, or ostensible. If we are to consider the president of the United States, and the committee of the house of representatives, on foreign relations, as speaking on this solemn occasion, for congress, the United States have three principal topicks of