officers to fill up the ranks-these wellpaid members of Congress-receiving for one day's easy labor, in a sumptuous hall, lofling on cushioned arm-chairs, as much as is paid to a soldier, whose life is daily put at hazard, for a whole month-were shocked at the enormous cost which would thus be thrown upon the country; yet strenuously and successfully resisted every motion for the diminution of their own pay, in order to alleviate measurably the drain upon the treasury.

So, too, while full of empty talk and admiring declamation about the gallant volunteers who rushed by thousands to the battle-fields in Mexico, they went notnot one of them, as a simple volunteer; and more than that, they held for a time in suspense, and almost jeoparded the } fate of the army bill, by resisting a resolution, warmly pressed, that no member of Congress should be appointed an officer in the new levies.

The exhibition in respect of aid to Ireland casts another dark shade on the President and his majority. That nation, afflicted by a visitation of Providence which our modern times have nowhere else witnessed-where millions of men and women and children were in danger of perishing from absolute famine stretched out its hands across the broad Atlantic, imploring bread--bread-which, through the bounty of Providence, abounded in our fruitful country.

The hearts of the people leapt at this cry, and their purses were opened, and their granaries, to the relief of their brother men in distress-but Congress alone turned a deaf ear. Mr. Crittenden, that noble-hearted Whig, moved in the Senate an appropriation of $500,000 to purchase food for Ireland; and this motion prevailed in the Senate, Mr. Webster and other leading Whigs lending it their powerful aid. It was referred in the House to the Committee of Ways and Means, with a view to its defeat; and it was defeated the democracy refusing every motion to call upon the committee to report the bill to the House in order that the question might be fairly taken. This was not their game. They desired that an obscure death should overtake this great measure of benevolence, for they dared not face the indignation of the country by openly rejecting it. Moreover they desired to spare the Executive the veto which, it is well understood, he stood ready to pronounce upon this offering of brotherhood and humanity, if it

should pass both Houses. Thus was the bill killed, and thus was practically exhibited the human sympathies of the democracy for their Irish brethren in affliction-but too far off to give any votes.

To the administration majority in both Houses may be applied with little variation the language of Bolingbroke, in referring to the Roman Senate in its days of degeneracy: "There Octavius had a party, and Anthony had a party, but the Commonwealth had none," and then the freest people in the world became the slaves of audacious demagogues.

In more homely language, but with the advantage of describing what he saw, and what indeed he is part and parcel of, Mr. Westcott, a Senator from Florida, elected as an administration man, but alienated, measurably at least, by the incapacity, selfishness and corruption which he witnessed around him, held this language on the 13th Feb., on the floor of the Senate:

"I warn the democracy of this country, the people of this country, that they do not the feculent, reeking corruption of the know one twentieth part of the corruption, government for years past. I tell the people that the government and institutions of the country have been, and will be, used as machines to plunder them for the sake of office-beggars, and to perpetuate the possession of political power. I solemnly believe if the people of the United States knew the manner in which the government is conducted, they would be excited to kick up a revolution in 24 hours, and would tumble the President, the Heads of Departments, and members of Congress— Democrats and Whigs-heels over head into the Potomac, and I believe they would act right in doing so.”

The Whigs, as having no power, are not responsible for the abuses here alleged, but are lugged in as make-weights

-in this plain-spoken language of a Democratic Senator, reported in the Congressional Globe. We cannot more fitly conclude our chapter on the XXIXth Congress than with this, its epitaph, written by one of its own members, who, from his political associations, must be deemed a competent witness, and who strongly expresses his own personal conviction that the extremest measures of popular indignation could not exceed the unredeemed corruption and demerits of this Democratic administration and the Democratic Congress, now, happily, defunct.

THE origin of the League, the Ruling Body and its powers, the division of the people into Tribes, with the Tribal Bond or cross-relationship between them, the Laws of Succession, with their incidents, and the Councils of the Hodénosaunee, with their powers, mode of proceeding, spirit and effects, have severally been brought under consideration. Upon the facts derived from these sources of investigation, the true character of the Iroquois government must be settled. If it is referable to any determined species, the constituent parts and general features of the confederacy, which have formed the subjects of the preceding Letters, will determine its position in the scale of civil organizations established by political writers.

In their original, well-developed institutions, and in their government, so systematic in its construction and so liberal in its administration, there is much to enforce a tribute of respect to the intelligence of our Indian predecessors. With out such institutions, and without that animating spirit which they nourish and diffuse, it would be difficult to account for the production of such men as have sprung up among the Iroquois. The development of national intellect depends chiefly upon external, reciprocal influences, and is usually proportionate to the vitality and motive which the institutions of a people possess and furnish.

To illustrate, substantially, the nature of their government, it will be necessary to notice, somewhat at length, the several species which have been instituted among men; the natural order of their origination; the relations in which they mutually stand to each other; and their general characteristics. In no other way can a clear conception be obtained of the

character of the Iroquois government, and the relation which it sustains to other political fabrics. No apology, therefore, will be necessary for the digression.

Aristotle, and other Grecian political writers, recognized but three species of government: the Monarchical, the Aristocratical and the Democratical; the rule of "one," the "few," and the "many." Every other variety was regarded as the wreck, or perversion, of one of the three. If, for example, the first was corrupted, it became a Tyranny; if the second degenerated, it was styled an Oligarchy; and if the last became turbulent or tumultuous, it was called an Ochlocracy. A Polity, or the rule of a large body of select citizens, was a milder form of Oligarchy. This classification admits of a limitation to the definition of an aristocracy and oligarchy, hereafter to be noticed.

Modern political writers also recognize three species, as laid down by Montesquieu: the Despotic, the Monarchical, and the Republican. The Aristocracy and Democracy of the Greeks are included in the Republican form of modern times; while the monarchical government of the present day-“ the rule of a single person by fixed laws"-was entirely unknown to the ancient Greeks. It is further observable that a despotism, as defined by Montesquieu, corresponds precisely with the monarchy of Aristotle.

The order of their origination suggests an important general principle; that there is a regular progression of political institutions, from the monarchical, which are the earliest in time, on to the democratical, which are the last, the noblest, and the most intellectual. This position can be established by the rise and development of the Grecian institutions; and may be further illustrated by the pro

gressive changes in the spirit and nature of the British government.

An unlimited monarchy, or "the rule of a single individual according to his own will," is the form of government natural to a people when in an uncivilized state, or when just emerging from barbarism. In the progress of time, by the growth and expansion of civil liberty, the monarchy becomes liberalized or limited, and a few steps forward introduce universal democracy. Hence it is noticeable in the rise of all races, and in the formation of all states, that the idea of chief and followers, or sovereign and people, was of spontaneous suggestion. This notion may be regarded as inherent to society in its primitive state; for it would be the first suggestion, if several families sought to institute a political organization, by which to bind themselves together for mutual protection.

It will be remembered that when the Hellenic tribes came down from Thessaly, and finally settled themselves upon the shores of the Mediterranean, their political relations were those of chief and follower. After they had become subdivided into a large number of petty states, and migrations and intermixtures had subsided, leaving each principality under its own ruler, and to the formation of its own institutions, the monarchical form of government became fully established. The small territory of Greece was parceled out between near twenty petty kingdoms. During the Heroic ages, which are understood to have commenced with this inundation of the Grecian territory by the Hellenes, and to have terminated with the Trojan war-a period of about two hundred years the kingly government was the only one among the Greeks.

At the close of the Heroic ages, a new state of affairs became apparent. Around the reigning families in the several kingdoms there had sprung up a class of Eupatrids, or nobles, who were in possession of most of the landed estates. Having elevated themselves far above the mass of the people, in the social scale, they gradually absorbed political powers which had before been vested in the kings. By the silent but natural growth of this aristocracy, continued encroachments were made upon the prerogatives of royalty, until at last the kings were brought down to a level with their Eupatrids. An aristocracy was thus substituted for monarchy; and nearly all the states of Greece, in their political progress towards de

mocracy, passed out of the monarchical into the aristocratical form of government.

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This form, although indicative of more liberality than the former, and adapted to the state of civil society then existing, pressed heavily upon the people; and, while it existed, was unfavorable to the elevation of the race. The Demos, or common people, were free, but were excluded from all political privileges; hence, with the increase of their intelligence, would be excited jealousies of the incumbent class. At times, the very existence of the aristocracy depended upon the forcible subjection of the Demos; for when the great and just sentiment of political equality " began to be coupled with that of "personal liberty," no form of government could rest in permanent security, which limited the one or denied the other. The Grecian mind was eminently progressive. No power could subdue or enslave that native energy which had exemplified itself in the hardy enterprises of the Heroic ages. Nothing could repress or lastingly fetter that majestic intellect out of which, even then, had sprung a system of mythology, destined to infuse itself into the literature of all generations, and to quicken the intellects of every clime-a system so remarkable as an exhibition of the unguided devotional nature of man, and so brilliant as a creation of the imagination, that it may be characterized as the greatest production of genius and credulity which ever emanated from the human mind.

In the progress of events, the aristocracies were successfully invaded by an uprising of men of wealth, or of capacity, from among the common people. These ambitious plebeians demanded a place in the ruling body, and if refused, they became the champions of the people, and engaged in measures for the overthrow of the government. Such difficulties were usually avoided by admitting these new families to a place among the Eupatrids, and to a participation in the administration. In this way the aristocracy of wealth and talent was in a measure placed upon an equality with that of birth; and by the act the government itself was widened, or liberalized.

These inroads upon the aristocracy, which generally resulted in the infusion of the popular element, may be regarded as the introduction, or commencement, of the oligarchy. The difference between the two species is to be sought in the spirit

wards democracy, as races elevate themselves in the scale of civilization, can be observed in the progressive improvement of British institutions. No people have been subjected to such tests, civil and religious; and issued from the throes of revolution with more character, more civilization, more majesty of intellect, for achievements in legislation, science, and learning, than our parent, AngloSaxon race. Their career, with all its vicissitudes, from the union of the Heptarchy's under Egbert, down to the final settlement of the government on the expulsion of the second James, is full of instruction-full of great lessons. They have tested monarchy in all its degrees of strength and weakness, of popularity and odium, of oppression and dependence. Their nobles have enjoyed all the privileges, immunities, and powers, which possession of the landed estates, the vassalage of the people, and independence of the crown could secure; while in turn they have been humble and submissive, even servile, under the arbitrary sway of tyrannous kings. The people, before the time of Edward the First, were cyphers in the State. Since then, they have suffered religious bondage, and the oppressions of a feudal aristocracy. In the progress of events, however, they have constantly enlarged the quantity of their liberty, and strengthened the guaranties of personal security. But if they finally achieved that personal freedom which the Grecian citizen never lost, they never have secured that "equality of privileges" which was the constant aspiration of the Greek, until attained; which was the watchword in the struggle for American freedom, and now lies at the base of our political edifice.

The English monarchy, being originally unlimited in its powers, the first encroachments upon the crown, as among the Greeks, were made by the barons, who had sprung up around it, and entrenched themselves under the shelter of the feudal system. In the reign of John they brought the government to the verge of an aristocracy, when at Runnimede they wrested the great charter from the unwilling hands of despotism. Again, under Henry the Third, it will be remembered that the confederate barons, for the second time, held the executive powerless; and were on the point of substi tuting an aristocracy.

About this period a new power began to manifest itself in the State, in the rise

of the "Middling Class," to whose persevering struggles with the crown, and with the incumbent aristocracy, England owes the most of her freedom. The building of cities, which are always favorable to liberal sentiments, and the introduction of some of the arts of industry, and of commerce, increased the wealth, and enlarged the influence of this constantly increasing class. With them may be said to have originated the true spirit of English liberty. After some centuries of improvement in character, rights, and property, they finally wrought that great ferment of popular feeling, which resulted in the abolition of the kingly office, and the substitution of a commonwealth. The government was brought upon the verge of a democracy as it was loosened from its ancient foundations, and borne along upon the tide of passion and fanaticism, commingled with intelligence and ardent aspirations for freedom. Unfortunately for the people, it was as much a religious as a political revolution; and the utter chaos of opinion into which society fell, prevented the overthrow of the aristocracy, and the establishment of the government upon a republican basis. The restoration of the royal executive, carried with it the necessity of the second revolution, which resulted in the expul sion of James, and the settlement of the government upon its present foundation.

The British government has been liberalized from age to age, until it may now be said to stand intrenched upon the borders of free institutions. As a monarchy, all unite in pronouncing it the highest specimen of the species ever constructed by the genius of man. The exact limitation of its powers, and the liberal and enlightened views of government which it entertains, justly entitle it to pre-eminence over all other monarchies. It was, however, a great misfortune to the people, that when the government stood upon the verge of democracy, the hereditary aristocracy were too firmly seated to be overthrown. In this overpowering, incumbent class, are rooted all the evils of the British government. It is a system which works vast injustice, and which renders the elevation, or respectability of the mass of the people impossible. It is a mill-stone around their neck, which they can neither cast off nor bear, without feeling its vast obstructions. Society, as now constituted--with its cunningly devised gradations, from the king through the five orders of no