Representative Kahn was, therefore, amply justified in his recent patriotic reminder. As reported, it is interesting to note by the same New York paper that was mentioned by Representative Grosvenor II years ago, Mr. Kahn said:

We need to go back only to 1907 to prove this, for then it was that a man then the general manager in this country for the Hamburg-American Line openly and publicly opposed the legislation for a ship subsidy that was pending in Congress. He printed his contentions in your daily newspapers in this very city. And then members of Congress carried those printed advertisements into the house of Congress and used them to defeat that measure. It is now that we can see the sinister intentions that were back of the man's opposition to the ship subsidy measure. We can see now why he printed those arguments. The answer is that America has no ships to carry supplies. If we had spent $60,000,000 then for ship subsidies we would not now have Congress appropriating $1,000,000,000 for ships of small tonnage that probably will have to be thrown into the scrap heap when the war is over.

In 1918 the warning uttered by Mr. Grosvenor has come to appear, like many another correct prediction, no more than an unescapable conclusion from the obvious facts.

Indeed, when the Fifty-ninth Congress and the Senate debate upon the ship subsidy bill were about to end, March 4, 1907, Senator Gallinger, unwittingly perhaps, made a prophecy wherein an element of truth may be found, which, had it then been realized, would have thrilled and perturbed his audience.

"While," said he, "I acknowledge defeat today, my faith in the good

sense and patriotism of the American people leads me to see success in the not distant future."

Then came the forecast so differently and regrettably fulfilled:

"We shall not go on forever, as we are going on now, paying $200,000,000 every year in freight, mail and passenger money to the shipowners of foreign nations, our rivals in trade and our possible enemies in war!"

That the opposition to the ship subsidy measure was no doubt sincere upon the part of nearly all the Representatives and Senators who aided in defeating it was, as now seems clear, only a strong tribute to the cunning of the German methods which misled Americans, largely by camouflaging the intentions of Berlin. Few Americans then could dream of their country becoming involved in a world war. The debate reflected this lack of foresight, not to say this credulity, widely shared by the nation's legislators. Speaking against the subsidy bill, Representative E. H. Hinshaw of Nebraska, on February 28, 1907, said:

It has been intimated that, because other nations subsidize their ships, it is therefore incumbent upon the United States to do likewise. Germany, England and France are essentially warring nations. They maintain great navies and standing armies, which we, with our greater wealth and population, do not attempt to emulate. It is needful for those nations who are always menaced by the spectre of war to have merchant vessels instantly available for use as transports. And so, for the purpose of bolstering the falling fortunes of this bill, lurid pictures of war have been conjured up to intimidate us into the enactment of the measure. But

On June 16, 1910, Representative William E. Humphrey of Washington, then prominent on the Republican side, delivered a striking and informative speech during the long debate upon a resolution he had introduced the day before. This proposal called for an "investigation of certain foreign shipping rings, conferences, pools and combinations, and to ascertain whether any American steamship line belongs to these combinations."

It was significant, Mr. Humphrey thought, that all the facts regarding these rings were contained in English official publications, notably in the report of a royal commission submitted in 1909, yet the story had never been printed in any newspaper or other publication in the United States. He declared that this country "grew hysterical over the announced existence of any small domestic trust, but endured complacently serious evils perpetrated at our expense by foreigners for the benefit of foreign countries."

In 1910, he said, the foreign commerce of the United States would

amount approximately to $3,500,000,000, of which more than 94 per cent would be carried by foreign ships at prices fixed by the different shipping lines among themselves without regard to the desire of the shipper. This was true of all the ocean shipping lines throughout the world.

The headquarters of all the oceanshipping pools was at Jena, Germany,

There every steamship rate was fixed both for passengers and for freight. "Not a single passenger is carried between this country and Europe,” said the representative, “not a single pound of freight, for the carrying of which there is the slightest competition." Two great German companies -the Hamburg-American Line and the North German Lloyd Steamship Co.-were the leaders of the combination, which, as being in the main a foreign organization, was one over which the United States Interstate Commerce Commission had no jurisdiction nor control.

In order to favor European as against United States exporters to South America, only slow and outof-date steamships were permitted to

run between the United States and the Southern continent, although firstclass, speedy vessels were kept in

service between South America and Europe. Hence it was taking from three to eight months to deliver in South America freight ordered from the United States by South American importers. Hence also practically every passenger transported between the United States and South America went by the way of Europe. Another and inevitable result was that the for

eign steamship companies had succeeded, to all intents and purposes, in driving the United States out of the South American markets.

Mr. Humphrey outlined a similar situation on the Pacific Ocean, where even the use of sailing vessels was controlled by a pool of German, French and English companies. Within five years this pool had raised the

freight rates to Europe from Pacific coast ports of the United States not less than 500 per cent.

The Hamburg-American Packet Line, Mr. Humphrey declared, is the greatest power in this steamship combination, the most gigantic trust and monopoly that exists in the world. With the possible exception of some Japanese lines, the Hamburg-American Line is the most heavily subsidized steamship line in the world. It is supported by the influence and wealth of the German Government; it stands, indeed, for the German Empire, of which it is the favorite child. The German Emperor is reputed to be a heavy stockholder in this company. The earnings of this mightiest of all monopolies are probably not less than 25 per cent upon the capital invested, which exorbitant profits come mostly from the American people. The head of this worldwide trust is Herr Albert Ballin, by common consent the most influential man in Germany, except only the Emperor. Herr Ballin sits in Germany today and absolutely fixes the price that the American merchant, the American manufacturers, the American farmers, must pay on every pound of freight sent to Europe or to South America. He absolutely dictates what any American citizen must pay to visit Europe or to visit South America. Herr Ballin and Herr Boas, the latter being the general manager in this country of the Hamburg-Ameriican company, have frequently, through the American newspapers, denounced the efforts made by the American Congress to do something to assist in building up our merchant marine. Herr Ballin came to this to this country a few years ago and made a speech to American business men in New York city, insisting that America should permit Germany to carry American commerce on the seas. He and his New York representative,

Herr Boas, have attacked and denounced all legislation looking to the upbuilding of our merchant marine. They have opposed the ocean mail act of the majority (that is, of the Republicans) and the discriminatory duty plan of the (Democratic) minority. The hired representative of Herr Ballin and his interests, Mr. Humphrey announced, is here in Washington today on the staff of the Associated Press, the greatest newsgathering agency in the world. This gentleman's name is Mr. J. J. Wilber, and when you remember how close the German merchant marine is to the German navy, it is at least suggestive that this representative of this great foreign steamship trust should also be the representative of the Associated Press assigned to our State, War and Navy Departments. When he was on the witness stand the other day (before a House committee) Mr. Wilber refused to testify as to the amount of money that he was being paid by the steamship company for his services. But the next day Mr. Boas of New York testified that Mr. Wilber's compensation from the Hamburg-American company was $3000 a year. What are the services he has rendered this company? This is the Herr Ballin whose company voluntarily withdrew two of its fastest and best ships and sold them to Spain in 1898 to sink, burn and destroy American commerce! This is the man, and this is the company, that today absolutely dictates how and on what terms our great nation shall transport $3,500,000,000 worth of commerce annually! This is the man whose company, when sued by American citizens for rebating and pooling steamship charges so as to destroy competition, answered that the Hamburg-American company was a foreign corporation and that Herr Ballin would do as he liked! No wonder that we are today, in our trade relations with other nations, considered

Mr. Humphrey then argued that, in view of the fact that these discriminations were practiced against United States interests by foreign steamship companies controlled by foreign governments, the commercial treaties with such governments were violated and should therefore be abrogated by the United States.

"One thing," he declared, "is certain; this country can never have its fair share of the commerce of the world until these combinations of foreign steamship companies are destroyed."

In accordance with his position Mr. Humphrey had introduced June 14, 1910, a bill providing that a discriminatory duty of 10 per cent advalorem should be placed upon all importations on foreign ships whose owners were parties to a shipping pool.

But the country had not yet awakened to the danger of its situation, nor had the long arm of German in

Mr. Humphrey's proposal, so obviously proper and necessary, was promptly laid to rest in the custody of the House Committee on Merchant Marine.

A like fate was encountered by his joint resolution, introduced the same day, which called for a formal inquiry into the matter of foreign steamship pools and their effect upon American commerce. The Committee on Rules merely filed the resolution.

If Representative Humphrey's presentation of significant truths thus failed unhappily to overcome the obtuse optimism, the Bolshevikian "charity" of American statesmen, one trifling fragment of protection was effected. The following day J. P. Gavit, chief of the Washington bureau of the Associated Press, wrote to Mr. Humphrey that Mr. Wilber, formerly joint agent for the bureau and for a German steamship company, had already resigned from the service of (at least) the Associated Press.

Unless we are vastly mistaken, says the Boston Herald, it is the earnest wish of the American people that the most critical stage of the great war shall not be fought through without a telling stroke by an army truly representing the strength of the United States. What prospect is there of this coming out of the war secretary's smiling contemplation of programs and estimates? Those are mountainous, but

what they have brought forth thus far is rather mouse-like. Greater forces, fully armed and ready for the fight, are called for most urgently. Speaking to Americans, Mr. Winston Spencer Churchill says: "Come with all your might and speed; your weight is needed vitally in this struggle and is needed soon." If any one wishes to know the reason for the hurry he will find it in Sir Auckland Geddes's statement that Russia's retirement

allows a transference of 1,600,000 Austro-German troops to the western front for use against the Franco-British lines, and that, France having poured forth her strength, on Britain and her skilful handling of her man power in the months to come everything depends, because "America is not yet in the field and months must elapse before she can advance with full stride."

These sayings by the British minister of munitions and national service are stinging, if not humiliating, after our eleven months of supposed preparation since the American declaration of a state of war with Germany, but the words should be welcomed as those of friends who wish us to know the truth and not have "Too Late" written in blood across

our entrance into the fight. If the spokesmen seem importunate, let us remember what sacrifices the Allies have already made. Over three or four millions of their graves lies the way of America to the front. And at the front the combat deepens while the fighters for freedom look and long for the advance of the United States to fill the place left vacant by disunited Russia. If the men who are responsible for our preparations for the Army and the Navy, for the production of airplanes and the building of transports and freighters have any idea of the grim real. ity which America has to meet, they will put all the earnestness and energy they possess into the speedy accomplishment of their work.

There is serious weather ahead of us Americans who do not go to the front, and we should be looking out for a favorable spot to get our boat to land.

In God's good time, the war with foreign Huns will end. But there are Huns at home that threaten us with even more misery than the Huns abroad; and while our galiant soldier lads are hunting Huns over there, we would do well to do a little Hun hunting right here at home. In the preface of his three-volume book, "The Industrial Development of Nations," Hon. George B. Curtiss says:

the

"When Tyre, Carthage, Grecian cities, Alexandria, Venice, Genoa, the Hanseatic League and Holland, in the periods of their supremacy, dominated the trade of the world, commerce was free. The merchants were then all in all. They were the princes; the producers, the slaves."

And he says further:-

"The history of the industrial development of nations in modern times is an account of the never ceasing struggle which has raged in the world of industry and commerce between the foreign traders and their allies the one hand,